Cognitive Semantics : Meaning and Cognition
Cognitive Semantics : Meaning and Cognition
Cognitive Semantics : Meaning and Cognition
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SPACE AND TIME 147<br />
temporal sense (e.g. The concert went from midnight to 4 am) share a feature:<br />
both are based on perception of (concrete or abstract) motion of a mover<br />
making contact with an ordered series of locations/points in time, i.e. the<br />
component states of the process are distributed through a continuous span of<br />
time, or put differently, both sentences describe processes taking place in time.<br />
The difference between the two is that in the primarily temporal expression<br />
time serves as the cognitive domain of the relation between the concert <strong>and</strong> the<br />
period from midnight to 4 am; each component state is a relation between the<br />
mover <strong>and</strong> a point in time. In the primarily spatial use of go, each component<br />
state is a relation between a mover <strong>and</strong> a location. Can we then claim that the<br />
spatial domain is more basic than the temporal domain <strong>and</strong> that, as a consequence,<br />
the use of go in The concert went from midnight to 4 am is metaphorical?<br />
Langacker seems to think so when he claims that physical movement<br />
through space is the prototypical case of the schematic concept of motion<br />
shared by the two examples (1991: 156). He claims that, in the sentence where<br />
go has a primarily temporal meaning, the speaker/conceptualizer ‘traces mentally<br />
along the path in order to situate the process in relation to a reference<br />
point’ (1991: 332). But in They went from Cambridge to London, the conceptualizer<br />
also necessarily traces mentally along the path, since there is no other<br />
way to scan the miles of l<strong>and</strong> in the time it takes to underst<strong>and</strong> the sentence.<br />
What about expressions used prototypically to express time? Are they<br />
ever used to express temporal relations? In a study of how people describe the<br />
layout of their flats, Linde <strong>and</strong> Labov (1975) found that the overwhelming<br />
majority of the descriptions were organized as tours of the flats. Very few<br />
descriptions were maps seen from a bird’s perspective (I’d say it’s laid out in<br />
a huge square pattern, broken down into four units...). The imaginary tours<br />
began at the front door <strong>and</strong> the descriptions then provided a minimal set of<br />
paths by which each room could be entered. There were two basic types of<br />
tours: the static type (to the right, straight ahead of you, off of the X) <strong>and</strong> the<br />
mobile type (you keep walking straight ahead, now if you turn right) (Linde &<br />
Labov 1975: 930). The descriptions of the flats emphasize that the static vs.<br />
dynamic opposition is also fundamental to spatial descriptions.<br />
Langacker’s model demonstrates that it is possible to distinguish primarily<br />
spatial from primarily temporal contextualizations of linguistic expressions.<br />
The use of before in He stood before the throne expresses primarily a<br />
spatial relation; in He heard the scream before the shot, before expresses a<br />
primarily temporal relation. What is less obvious, however, is the “prototypi-