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give and take a few dialectal reshuffles – there is no real break, but only continuity. 218 As an explanation of this paradox between archaeological evidence and linguistic data, it has been suggested that the enemy which attacked the Mycenaeans at the end of Late Helladic IIIB wasted the country but – apart from some minor exceptions indicated by the presence of handmade foreign ware (see also sections 10 and 14) 219 – did not come to settle in it. 220 At any rate, the Pylos tablets indicate that the enemy came by sea from the northwest, as ships are sent to cape Pleuron in Aitolia to cope with the emergency situation. 221 This does not exclude, however, a simultaneous or slightly posterior attack from the north over land, to which the large scale destructions in Thessaly bear testimony (see Fig. 12) 222 and against which the inhabitants of the Peloponnesos tried to protect themselves by building a wall on the Isthmos. 223 As a result of the breakdown of the Mycenaean civilization, a number of people from the Peloponnesos decided to join the seaborne attackers and took the boat to the Orient in order to settle in Cyprus and in the region of Adana on the adjacent side of the mainland. For the last mentioned region this is proved by the recently discovered Luwian hieroglyphic-Phoenician bilingual inscription of Çineköy, dated to the reign of Urikki in the late 8th century BC, in which the land of Adana is called Hiwa, the 218 For religious continuity, see Nilsson 1927: 400-14; Schnapp- Gourbeillon 2002: Chapitre IV. 219 Rutter 1975; Deger-Jalkotzy 1983; Popham 2001; for further literature, see section 14, note 600. 220 Desborough 1964: 224; cf. Betancourt 1976: 41. 221 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: 185-6: PY An 12 ereta Pereuronade ijote (= Greek eretai Pleurnade iontes) “rowers to go to Pleuron”. Further maritime measures are forthcoming from the oka-tablets, which, notwithstanding the linguistic criticism by Risch 1958: 354 and Palmer 1998: 154, deal with holkades “ships for transportation”, see Pugliese Carratelli 1954: 469; Mühlenstein 1956: 36 ff.; cf. Best 1996-7: 120-7; for the state of emergency exemplified by these tablets, one of which is headed by the phrase ouruto opia2ra epikowo (= Greek (h)(s) wruntoi opi(h)ala epikouroi) “Thus the watchers are guarding the coast” (PY An 657), see Palmer 1956; Palmer 1965: 143-54. 222 Schachermeyr 1980: 393; Popham 2001: 282-3 (figs.). As a historical parallel one might point to the fact that when Dionysios of Syracuse raided the Caeretan harbor Pyrgi in 384 BC, the Celts in the hinterland seized the opportunity to attack the Etruscans from the rear. 223 Sandars 1980: 173; Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 108-9 (Late Helladic IIIB/C transitional period). 74 Luwian hieroglyphic equivalent of Hittite A®®iyawa, characterized, just like it is the case for the text of the Phaistos disc, by aphaeresis. 224 In the archaeological record, this event is reflected in the destruction of Tarsus at the end of the Late Bronze Age and the subsequent introduction of Late Helladic IIIC ware of Argive background. 225 Another branch of the Mycenaean Greeks, referred to as Denye(n) by the Egyptians and Dan by the Hebrews, went further south and settled initially in the region of Tel Qasile – a new foundation – in Canaan, perhaps some time after the settlement of the Philistines (see section 9). 226 Both these migrations, however, were not massive enough to plant the Greek language: the Akhaians in the region of Adana went over to Luwian and the Danaoi of Canaan to Semitic. Apart from emigration to Cyprus and the Orient, which may have been an ongoing process from Late Helladic IIIC to Submycenaean, 227 there can be observed a clustering together of the population in Greece itself into refuge areas during this time. These refuge areas, like Akhaia, Kephalenia, and Attica, but especially the Aegean islands Naxos, Kos, and Rhodes, could bear testimony to a considerable degree of recovery. 228 Moreover, the population in Crete withdrew to mountain sites like Karphi, Vrokastro, and Kastri. 229 From Attica the Ionian emigration to the region of Miletos in western Asia Minor took place, probably in the Submycenaean period; 230 the Aiolian mi- 224 Tekolu & Lemaire 2000; for the Phaistos disc, see Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004: 85; 98; 110. 225 Goldman 1956: 63; 350-1; Mee 1978: 150, who stipulates that the number of Late Helladic IIIC sherds (875 in sum) allows for the actual presence of Mycenaeans. Cf. Strabo, Geography XIV, 5, 12, according to which Tarsus is colonized from Argos. 226 For the absence of Late Helladic IIIC1b ware here, see Bietak 1993: 257-8. 227 Dikaios 1971: 519 (Late Helladic IIIC1b from the Argolid); Catling 1973; Vanschoonwinkel 304-5 (Paphos, Late Helladic IIIC); Schachermeyr 1980: 380 (sub-Mycenaean from the Peloponnesos). The earliest evidence of the Greek language on Cyprus is provided by the Opheltas-obelos, dating to the middle of the 11th century BC, which bears testimony of the Arcado-Cyprian genitive (Opeletau), see Masson 1983: 408. 228 Desborough 1964: 226 ff.; Betancourt 1976: 40; Schachermeyr 1980: 51. 229 Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 156-9. 230 Schachermeyr 1980: 375; cf. Herodotos, Histories I, 146, who stipulates that the Ionians killed the male Carians and married with their wives.
gration from Boeotia and Thessaly to the coastal zone of Mysia may well have occurred in about the same period or just a little afterwards. 231 The Dorians, who repopulated an almost deserted Peloponnesos at the end of the Submycenaean or the beginning of the Protogeometric period, 232 followed in the footsteps of their Ionian and Aiolian tribesmen, colonizing Crete, Rhodes, and the region of Halikarnassos still later. Not for a long time, however, the Greeks were to reach a degree of unity as we have experienced for the period of the Mycenaean koin – and then only under foreign pressure! (a) (b) Fig. 12. Sites and cemeteries (a) in Late Helladic IIIB and (b) in Late Helladic IIIC (from Popham 2001: 282-3). 231 Spencer 1995: 275-7 (repopulation of Mytilene and Pyrrha on Lesbos during the Protogeometric period). 232 Eder 1998. See also section 2 above. 75
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The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples 1
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Promotiecommissie Promotor: Prof.dr
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CONTENTS Preface ..................
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profited from the collaboration wit
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Frontispiece. Rowers depicted on a
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In a work which deals with the ethn
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similar vein, to accuse Georges Dum
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upon a pre-existing local populatio
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certainty about the 8th century BC
Page 24 and 25: with the Heraklids Kresphontes and
Page 26 and 27: after the end of the Bronze Age. 43
Page 28 and 29: Miletos may be due to an historical
Page 30 and 31: It lies at hand to correlate the fa
Page 32 and 33: more, he rearranged the western pro
Page 35 and 36: 4. AN HISTORIOGRAPHIC OUTLINE In th
Page 37 and 38: The view of Maspero that the Sea Pe
Page 39 and 40: ples as mere pirates goes Helck’s
Page 41 and 42: site or manoeuvring in mountainous
Page 43 and 44: The contemporary sources with a bea
Page 45 and 46: Enkomi cylinder seal (Inv. no. 19.1
Page 47 and 48: Tablet 1687 from Enkomi Side A (15)
Page 49 and 50: RS 20.238 ù dú-nu-na-ta dan-níš
Page 51 and 52: Libyans (year 5) as well as success
Page 53 and 54: Fig. 5. Land battle scene of Medine
Page 55 and 56: he said to me: “To be sure, they
Page 57 and 58: 6. LUKKA AND THE LUKKA LANDS Since
Page 59 and 60: 7. ETHNOGENESIS OF THE GREEKS The d
Page 61 and 62: the archaeological record by the Ma
Page 63 and 64: adopting the then modern Indo-Aryan
Page 65 and 66: Evidently, the Hyksos were a highly
Page 67: linguistic features from an hypothe
Page 70 and 71: have been Crete, since in the text
Page 72 and 73: war 199 - a suggestion further emph
Page 77 and 78: In Homeros there are three indicati
Page 79 and 80: Models The problem of Etruscan orig
Page 81 and 82: 7th century BC, is, considering the
Page 83 and 84: (proto-)Villanovan is attested (cf.
Page 85 and 86: sumed that the Etruscans have borro
Page 87: grave of North Pontic steppe type,
Page 90 and 91: Trojans, nor will they change their
Page 92 and 93: “Venel Atelinas has given this to
Page 94 and 95: as follows: 370 1. M(arce) Vnata
Page 96 and 97: Fig. 17. Settlement of the Sea Peop
Page 98 and 99: salian Gyrtone. 406 On the basis of
Page 100 and 101: of their foundation of Kume, the Ai
Page 102 and 103: Asherah, Ugaritic y-, -m)!”. 453
Page 104 and 105: inhabitants of the Mesara plain at
Page 106 and 107: sociated from that of Mls, a predec
Page 108 and 109: found here. 513 It is interesting t
Page 110 and 111: Fig. 21. Distribution of Trojan gre
Page 112 and 113: The story continues with the Sherde
Page 114 and 115: On the basis of the combined eviden
Page 116 and 117: our identification of the Weshesh w
Page 118 and 119: (Histories I, 57) reports, adopted
Page 120 and 121: lesh are geographically based, bein
Page 123 and 124: APPENDIX I: ON THE DECIPHERMENT OF
Page 125 and 126:
36. 5 005 191 TIWATA, [ti] PF 2 (35
Page 127 and 128:
Evans CHIC CL value attestation 64.
Page 129 and 130:
identical to Egyptian bi’ty “ki
Page 131 and 132:
# 258 # 271 # 296 # 309 1 2 3 1. 'y
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# 314 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1. 'tá-PÁRA
Page 136 and 137:
52. “-ship” -®i- -c-, -- (pro)
Page 138 and 139:
59. 3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nt -n
Page 140 and 141:
pattern is formed by the G pl. in -
Page 142 and 143:
LUWIAN ROMAN INDIC GERMANIC F1 Tark
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linguistic point of view, however,
Page 146 and 147:
meat) or as a sacred animal per se:
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Behn, Friedrich, 1924, Hausurnen. B
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tury B.C’. Orientalia 56. Pp. 1-3
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Gardiner, Alan H., 1947, Ancient Eg
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Ägäis und die Levante während de
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terranean in the mid second millenn
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occidentale. Studia Mediterranea 8.
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Sommer, Ferdinand, 1932, Die A®®i
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--- , 2004b, Woudhuizen, Fred C., S
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hele andere etnische groep rekenen.
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CURRICULUM VITAE VAN FREDERIK CHRIS
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