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Yadin, a line from the song of Deborah, running as follows: “And Dan, why did he remain in ships?”, preserves the memory of the precolonial stage in the history of the tribe of Dan. 245 At any rate, historical sources locate the Danites on the coast between Asdod in the south and Dor in the north, 246 and more specifically situate the region of their inheritance near Joppa. 247 In the course of time, then, the Danites expanded their territory to Zora and Eshtaol in the hinterland of Tel Qasile and Joppa, from where they are recorded to have conquered Laish in the sphere of influence of Sidon to the north, of which they changed the name into Dan. 248 This latter event may well be linked up with the fact that the foundation layer of Tel Qasile (stratum XII) ends with a destruction of the site. 249 245 Bible, Judges V, 17; Yadin in Best & Yadin 1973: 69. 246 Josephus, Antiquities V, 87. 247 Bible, Joshua XIX, 40-8. 248 Bible, Judges XVIII, 1-31. 249 Yadin in Best & Yadin 1973: 70. 78
Models The problem of Etruscan origins has received scholarly attention already in antiquity. First of all, there is the testimony of Herodotos of Halikarnassos (5th century BC) according to which the Etruscans were Lydian colonists from western Asia Minor. Hard pressed by a famine, so the story goes, half of the Lydian population under the leadership of king Atys’ son Tyrsenos mustered on ships at Smyrna and sailed to Italy, where they settled in the territory of the Umbrians. 250 As opposed to this, we have the opinion of Dionysios of Halikarnassos (1st century BC), who, on the basis of a comparison between the customs and the languages of the Etruscans and the Lydians, reached the conclusion that these two peoples were unrelated. He extrapolated from this conclusion that the Etruscans were no Lydian colonists, but had always lived in Italy. 251 As divided as opinions were on the subject of Etruscan origins in antiquity, so they are in our present era. A majority among scholars in the field holds that the Etruscans were autochthonous. In accordance with this view, the Etruscans are considered a remnant population surviving the onset of Indo-European migrations which brought the Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, and Faliscans to the Italian peninsula. Their language, so this line of appraoch continues, is not comparable to any other in the world, except for the one attested for the famous stele from Kaminia on the island of Lemnos in the Aegean. This only linguistic relationship acknowledged by the adherents of the autochthonous thesis receives meaningful explanation in two ways. In the first place, Lemnian is, on the analogy of Etruscan in Italy, considered a remnant of a once widely dispersed Mediterranean language surviving the onset of Indo-European migrations into the Aegean basin. 252 Second, Lemnian is seen as the result of a colonization by Etruscans from Italy into the north-Aegean region. 253 A minority among scholars, but a persistent one, is of the opinion that the Etruscans were colonists from western 250 Histories I, 94. 251 Roman Antiquities I, 25-30. 252 Pallottino 1988: 98. 253 Gras 1976; Drews 1992; de Simone 1996. 10. ETRUSCAN ORIGINS 79 Asia Minor. These so-called orientalists can be subdivided into two groups: those who situate the colonization of Etruria at the end of the Late Bronze Age (c. 1200 BC), 254 and those who rather place this event in the Early Iron Age (c. 750-675 BC). 255 A representative of the first mentioned group of orientalists is the Indo-Europeanist Robert Beekes. However, he is exceptional in combining the idea of an oriental origin with the linguistic analysis of the adherents of the autochthonous thesis. Thus, Beekes likewise considers Etruscan and Lemnian relics of a language once spoken in the Aegean before the Indo-European migrations. 256 Much more common among orientalists is it to consider Etruscan related to the Indo-European languages of Asia Minor, and in particular to Luwian. 257 The latter language was spoken in southern and western Anatolia during the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, and, in its western extremity, was subject to a dialectal development which resulted in Lycian and Lydian of the Classical period. 258 Now, there is some evidence of non-Indo-European languages in Asia Minor, originally going back to the time before the Indo-European migrations. In the first place, mention should be made of Hattic, the language of the inhabitants of Hattusa before this city was taken over by the Hittites, as recorded in Hittite texts dating from the 2nd millennium BC. Next, there is Hurrian, the language of the realm of Mitanni, once a formidable rival of the Hittites in their strive for hegemony in eastern Anatolia and North Syria. This language developed into Urartian of the Early Iron Age. Finally, we cannot omit the Semitic language, which in the form of Akkadian was used as a lingua franca for international correspondence between the empires of the 2nd millennium BC – a function taken over by Aramaic during the Early Iron Age. But, except for some bilinguals with Aramaic for Lycian and Lydian, this evidence has a bearing on eastern Asia Minor only. In 254 Hencken 1968. 255 Schachermeyr 1929. 256 Beekes & van der Meer 1991; Beekes 1993; Beekes 2002: 219-20; cf. Steinbauer 1999: 389. 257 Meriggi 1937; Laroche 1961b. 258 For Lydian as a Luwian dialect, see Woudhuizen 1984-5a; Woudhuizen 1990 ; Woudhuizen 2005 : appendix IV.
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The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples 1
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Promotiecommissie Promotor: Prof.dr
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CONTENTS Preface ..................
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profited from the collaboration wit
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Frontispiece. Rowers depicted on a
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In a work which deals with the ethn
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similar vein, to accuse Georges Dum
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upon a pre-existing local populatio
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certainty about the 8th century BC
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with the Heraklids Kresphontes and
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after the end of the Bronze Age. 43
Page 28 and 29: Miletos may be due to an historical
Page 30 and 31: It lies at hand to correlate the fa
Page 32 and 33: more, he rearranged the western pro
Page 35 and 36: 4. AN HISTORIOGRAPHIC OUTLINE In th
Page 37 and 38: The view of Maspero that the Sea Pe
Page 39 and 40: ples as mere pirates goes Helck’s
Page 41 and 42: site or manoeuvring in mountainous
Page 43 and 44: The contemporary sources with a bea
Page 45 and 46: Enkomi cylinder seal (Inv. no. 19.1
Page 47 and 48: Tablet 1687 from Enkomi Side A (15)
Page 49 and 50: RS 20.238 ù dú-nu-na-ta dan-níš
Page 51 and 52: Libyans (year 5) as well as success
Page 53 and 54: Fig. 5. Land battle scene of Medine
Page 55 and 56: he said to me: “To be sure, they
Page 57 and 58: 6. LUKKA AND THE LUKKA LANDS Since
Page 59 and 60: 7. ETHNOGENESIS OF THE GREEKS The d
Page 61 and 62: the archaeological record by the Ma
Page 63 and 64: adopting the then modern Indo-Aryan
Page 65 and 66: Evidently, the Hyksos were a highly
Page 67: linguistic features from an hypothe
Page 70 and 71: have been Crete, since in the text
Page 72 and 73: war 199 - a suggestion further emph
Page 74 and 75: give and take a few dialectal reshu
Page 77: In Homeros there are three indicati
Page 81 and 82: 7th century BC, is, considering the
Page 83 and 84: (proto-)Villanovan is attested (cf.
Page 85 and 86: sumed that the Etruscans have borro
Page 87: grave of North Pontic steppe type,
Page 90 and 91: Trojans, nor will they change their
Page 92 and 93: “Venel Atelinas has given this to
Page 94 and 95: as follows: 370 1. M(arce) Vnata
Page 96 and 97: Fig. 17. Settlement of the Sea Peop
Page 98 and 99: salian Gyrtone. 406 On the basis of
Page 100 and 101: of their foundation of Kume, the Ai
Page 102 and 103: Asherah, Ugaritic y-, -m)!”. 453
Page 104 and 105: inhabitants of the Mesara plain at
Page 106 and 107: sociated from that of Mls, a predec
Page 108 and 109: found here. 513 It is interesting t
Page 110 and 111: Fig. 21. Distribution of Trojan gre
Page 112 and 113: The story continues with the Sherde
Page 114 and 115: On the basis of the combined eviden
Page 116 and 117: our identification of the Weshesh w
Page 118 and 119: (Histories I, 57) reports, adopted
Page 120 and 121: lesh are geographically based, bein
Page 123 and 124: APPENDIX I: ON THE DECIPHERMENT OF
Page 125 and 126: 36. 5 005 191 TIWATA, [ti] PF 2 (35
Page 127 and 128: Evans CHIC CL value attestation 64.
Page 129 and 130:
identical to Egyptian bi’ty “ki
Page 131 and 132:
# 258 # 271 # 296 # 309 1 2 3 1. 'y
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# 314 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1. 'tá-PÁRA
Page 136 and 137:
52. “-ship” -®i- -c-, -- (pro)
Page 138 and 139:
59. 3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nt -n
Page 140 and 141:
pattern is formed by the G pl. in -
Page 142 and 143:
LUWIAN ROMAN INDIC GERMANIC F1 Tark
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linguistic point of view, however,
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meat) or as a sacred animal per se:
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Behn, Friedrich, 1924, Hausurnen. B
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tury B.C’. Orientalia 56. Pp. 1-3
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Gardiner, Alan H., 1947, Ancient Eg
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Ägäis und die Levante während de
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terranean in the mid second millenn
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occidentale. Studia Mediterranea 8.
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Sommer, Ferdinand, 1932, Die A®®i
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--- , 2004b, Woudhuizen, Fred C., S
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hele andere etnische groep rekenen.
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CURRICULUM VITAE VAN FREDERIK CHRIS
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