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Helen Sommers: An Oral History

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The Press<br />

53 lawmakers in the delegation, only 17 are women.<br />

Yet five of those - Rep. Lorraine Hine, D-Des<br />

Moines, Murray, Cantwell, Rep . <strong>Helen</strong> <strong>Sommers</strong>,<br />

D-Seattle, and Brough - are among the top 10.<br />

One former lobbyist, a woman, said some of the<br />

best people in the Legislature are women because<br />

their skills have been undervalued in the marketplace.<br />

“In King County, most good, qualified men have<br />

jobs that pay well enough that they can’t afford to<br />

go down to the Legislature,’’ the former lobbyist<br />

said. “With women, that hasn’t happened yet.’’<br />

Hine and <strong>Sommers</strong>, both political veterans, have<br />

shown different ways how to crack the remnants<br />

of Olympia’s old-boys club.<br />

Hine, the former mayor of Des Moines, has<br />

been in the Legislature since 1980, but her stock<br />

has risen fastest in the past two years. Increasingly,<br />

said one observer, Hine has learned to listen to all<br />

sides of an issue and has emerged as somebody<br />

likely to propose a compromise solution. As caucus<br />

chair, she is part of House Speaker Joe King’s<br />

leadership corps.<br />

<strong>Sommers</strong>, chairwoman of the House Capital<br />

Facilities and Financing Committee, has made her<br />

mark in policy rather than politics. She’s not the negotiator<br />

or political strategist that Hine is, but she is<br />

considered one of the delegation’s smartest members.<br />

She has become an expert in the capital construction<br />

budget, an area many lawmakers find<br />

repulsively dull, too complicated or both. At the<br />

same time, she is subject to a complaint often heard<br />

about Seattle’s lawmakers: Politicians, staffers and<br />

lobbyists find her aloof and difficult to deal with,<br />

and as a result she is not as effective as she might be.<br />

One of the survey’s more interesting perceptions<br />

is of Sen. Frank Warnke, D-Auburn.<br />

Warnke, a lawmaker since 1965, is an old-style<br />

politician who likes to cut deals in a back room<br />

and who is famous for remembering and returning<br />

favors. It’s a style that has made him one of the<br />

delegation’s more effective members, and his No.<br />

18 ranking reflects respect among insiders.<br />

But several respondents said Warnke also can<br />

use his power to undercut those whom he deems<br />

pg. 301<br />

disloyal, especially those who welsh on a favor. As<br />

caucus chairman for the Senate Democrats, for<br />

example, he has been known to prevent an errant<br />

colleague’s bill from getting a timely vote, or to<br />

keep somebody’s pet pork-barrel line item out of<br />

the capital construction budget.<br />

Increasingly, Warnke’s style is fading in favor<br />

of a more open, understated approach.<br />

With the strong showing by Cantwell, Sprenkle<br />

and <strong>Sommers</strong> - not to mention the detail-loving<br />

budget writers Locke and McDonald - a case could<br />

be made for the rise of the technocrat.<br />

In each instance, the lawmakers have found success<br />

not by trading favors over a late-night scotch<br />

but by putting forth thoughtful policy proposals.<br />

Add to that a warm personal style, and you have<br />

someone insiders believe could be a rising star in<br />

the 1990s - Patty Murray.<br />

“I think the worst legislators are people who<br />

don’t have good people skills,’’ a state bureaucrat<br />

said. “The system depends on people skills - on<br />

being able to communicate with your caucus and<br />

with the people across the aisle.’’<br />

That’s part of the explanation for the high marks<br />

given to Murray’s first-year performance.<br />

One business lobbyist said Murray set the<br />

standard against which all first-term lawmakers<br />

should be compared. She worked very hard early in<br />

the session last year making contacts, studying the<br />

backgrounds of several issues and learning about<br />

the Capitol’s political workings.<br />

In the waning days of the session, she wasn’t<br />

afraid to use what she’d learned. The most frequently<br />

cited example is her decision - against the advice of<br />

some of those in her caucus - to fight powerful special<br />

interests on a family-leave bill. Murray, despite<br />

long odds against success, insisted the legislation<br />

be extended to include leave from work for people<br />

who have a family member with a terminal illness.<br />

To almost everybody’s surprise, she won.<br />

“Man, I was impressed,’’ a second lobbyist said<br />

of Murray. “She wants to change the world, and<br />

she makes you believe there’s a good chance she<br />

can do it.’’

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