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Somalia: Creating Space for Fresh Approaches to Peacebuilding

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nationalism, state <strong>for</strong>mation and peacebuilding in somalia<br />

movement. Although al-Shabaab has been able <strong>to</strong> recruit members from across<br />

clans, its willingness <strong>to</strong> use violence has caused widespread instability and human<br />

suffering. A final problem related <strong>to</strong> Islamic identity is that many Islamists<br />

reject both clan and Somali national identity in favor of a dominant religious<br />

identity and a universal Muslim nation. For those who advance this goal, Somali<br />

cohesion under an Islamic identity – i.e. an Islamic state – would entail the exclusion<br />

of other traditional identities, which are perceived as unequal and divisive. A<br />

better alternative <strong>to</strong> a single dominant identity is a collective identity that incorporates<br />

both Islam and clan structures. Nationalism, while not strong enough at the<br />

present time, could eventually fulfill this role.<br />

Despite the challenges these strategies faces, power sharing and identity reconstruction<br />

serve both the immediate needs of state building and the longer-term<br />

goals of constructing a national Somali identity. In both cases, the mechanisms<br />

needed are inclusive institutions that contribute <strong>to</strong> a viable Somali state and<br />

intentionally foster national cohesion (Transactive Mechanisms Question 1). A<br />

government that provides crucial public services such as security, law and order,<br />

and judicial and educational systems will help regulate disputes between clans<br />

and weaken the negative aspects of clan identity. Internal security mechanisms<br />

such as police, courts, and prisons will diminish the retributive functions of<br />

diya-paying groups while allowing them <strong>to</strong> maintain their positive contributions<br />

<strong>to</strong> community collaboration. 31 The inclusion of local ac<strong>to</strong>rs, traditional clan elders,<br />

women and civil society in state structures and decision making will contribute<br />

<strong>to</strong> vertical integration and national sentiment (Transactive Processes Question 3).<br />

Contrary <strong>to</strong> past peace processes in which state <strong>for</strong>mation has been heavily<br />

influenced by outside ac<strong>to</strong>rs, renewed ef<strong>for</strong>ts must allow Somalis full participation<br />

and ownership of the economic and political decisions that accompany the<br />

creation of a state. 32<br />

Conclusions<br />

Placing academic debates about nationalism in dialogue with the realities and<br />

challenges facing peacebuilders illustrates that no single identity can offer a<br />

sustainable solution <strong>to</strong> conflict and state <strong>for</strong>mation in <strong>Somalia</strong>. Sustainable<br />

peacebuilding ef<strong>for</strong>ts must rely on approaches that foster inclusion and participation<br />

among multiple Somali identities. Clan affiliation and Islam represent<br />

entrenched sources of identity among Somali society. Rather than attempting <strong>to</strong><br />

dilute or subsume these identities under a nationalist framework, local stakeholders<br />

in <strong>Somalia</strong>’s peace process must work <strong>to</strong>wards an integrative system of stable<br />

governance. Crucial <strong>to</strong> this will be finding ways <strong>to</strong> incorporate traditional systems<br />

and beliefs such as clan kinship and Islam in a way that also functions within<br />

the political boundaries of a state. Peacebuilders must identify the strengths of<br />

traditional Somali social structures while promoting government institutions that<br />

compensate <strong>for</strong> their weaknesses.<br />

Peacebuilders must approach conflict in <strong>Somalia</strong> with both short-term and<br />

long-term strategies. In the short-term, priority must be given <strong>to</strong> the establish-<br />

31 Lewis, I.M., A Modern His<strong>to</strong>ry<br />

of <strong>Somalia</strong>, p. 11; Elmi, A.A.,<br />

Understanding the <strong>Somalia</strong><br />

Conflagration, p. 33.<br />

32 Elmi argues that the 2004<br />

Federal Government of the<br />

Somali Republic failed in large<br />

part because Somalis were<br />

excluded from decisions regarding<br />

the defining of regions, the<br />

establishment of elections, and the<br />

distribution of resources. Elmi,<br />

A.A., Understanding the <strong>Somalia</strong><br />

Conflagration, pp. 16-27.<br />

41

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