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Cremation, Caste, and Cosmogony in Karmic Traditions.

Cremation, Caste, and Cosmogony in Karmic Traditions.

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enlightenment <strong>and</strong> achieve liberation, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> the end, a<br />

tirtha is a state of m<strong>in</strong>d (Gupta 2001:4), unit<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

devotees with the div<strong>in</strong>ities. The river as a cross<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>t<br />

between the two worlds is best seen <strong>in</strong> death rituals<br />

(K<strong>in</strong>sley 1989:192-193). Charon is the mythological<br />

boatman ferry<strong>in</strong>g the dead across the river to the other<br />

world. The ferryman is a symbol of cross<strong>in</strong>g – from birth<br />

to the life beyond (Terpen<strong>in</strong>g 1985:243). In Kashi it is<br />

Shiva himself whisper<strong>in</strong>g the “ferryboat mantra” or the<br />

“mantra of the cross<strong>in</strong>g” <strong>in</strong> the deceased’s ear (Eck<br />

1983:331). But the river is also a “well of wisdom” as<br />

illustrated by the ferryman <strong>in</strong> Herman Hesse’s<br />

Siddhartha (1985).<br />

Ganga is the most holy river <strong>in</strong> H<strong>in</strong>duism, <strong>and</strong> she stems<br />

mythologically from Kailash (Darian 1978:1). She is<br />

eternally pure <strong>and</strong> cleanses s<strong>in</strong>s. The holiest river <strong>in</strong><br />

H<strong>in</strong>duism concentrates the sanctity of all rivers: “Not<br />

only is the Ganges said to be present <strong>in</strong> other rivers, but<br />

other rivers are present <strong>in</strong> her” (Eck 1983:214). Ganges<br />

is the “nectar of immortality” which br<strong>in</strong>gs life to the<br />

dead cremated on the banks of the River of Heaven<br />

(ibid:215). “The Ganges is the liquid essence of the<br />

scriptures, the gods, <strong>and</strong> the wisdom of the H<strong>in</strong>du<br />

tradition. She is the liquid essence, <strong>in</strong> sum, of Shakti –<br />

the energy <strong>and</strong> power of the Supreme, flow<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the life<br />

of the world” (ibid:219). “Water symbolizes the whole<br />

of potentiality; it is...the source of all possible existence”<br />

(Eliade 1993:188). Water will always exist, but never<br />

alone s<strong>in</strong>ce water is germ<strong>in</strong>ative, <strong>and</strong> it conta<strong>in</strong>s the<br />

potentiality of all forms or Mothers, <strong>and</strong> this l<strong>in</strong>ks Kali<br />

<strong>and</strong> Ganga. “Kali is Mother to her devotees not because<br />

she protects them from the way th<strong>in</strong>gs really are but<br />

because she reveals to them their mortality <strong>and</strong> thus<br />

releases them to act fully <strong>and</strong> freely, releases them from<br />

the <strong>in</strong>credible, b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g web of “adult” pretence,<br />

practicality, <strong>and</strong> rationality” (K<strong>in</strong>sley 1977:146).<br />

The H<strong>in</strong>du religion has to a certa<strong>in</strong> extent adapted more<br />

sufficiently than Islam to the environment of<br />

Bangladesh. The annual floods are a re-occurr<strong>in</strong>g<br />

problem, which is <strong>in</strong>corporated <strong>in</strong>to the low-religion of<br />

common people. Each year the river will kill people <strong>and</strong><br />

destroy l<strong>and</strong>. The H<strong>in</strong>dus pray to Ganga, but the dangers<br />

of the floods threaten Muslims too, who may also pray<br />

to the mighty river <strong>in</strong> order to save them. Humans <strong>in</strong><br />

their despair pray to the forces, which they perceive as<br />

almighty. Although the gods appear as eternal <strong>and</strong> given<br />

once <strong>and</strong> for all, man <strong>in</strong> his own image makes the div<strong>in</strong>e<br />

images; the gods might be eternal but their material<br />

appearance on earth (as statues for <strong>in</strong>stance) are made by<br />

man <strong>and</strong> understood by man. Similar with sacrifices,<br />

what is given to the god is not the god’s wishes, but the<br />

devotee’s own deep motivation (Obeyesekere 1990:4).<br />

The question then is why the sub-Indian people have<br />

“chosen” goddesses like Kali <strong>and</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>namasta? Why<br />

are they “good to th<strong>in</strong>k with”, <strong>and</strong> why do they reveal<br />

truths which cannot be expressed as forcefully as other<br />

material manifestations, images, <strong>and</strong> statues?<br />

130<br />

Gananath Obeyesekere asks the question “why is it<br />

necessary to express ideas <strong>in</strong> terms of symbols whose<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>gs are not apparent, on the conscious level at<br />

least, to the participants <strong>in</strong> a culture?” <strong>and</strong> his answer is<br />

that “certa<strong>in</strong> ideas simply cannot be presented except<br />

symbolically” (Obeyesekere 1984:465). Obeyesekere<br />

analyses cultures of goddess cults from a<br />

psychoanalytical perspective, <strong>and</strong> he seeks answers to<br />

the presumable paradox <strong>and</strong> dichotomy of two types of<br />

Mother Goddesses <strong>in</strong> H<strong>in</strong>du India: the cow (or river) as a<br />

passive <strong>and</strong> unconditioned nurturant <strong>and</strong> the terrify<strong>in</strong>g<br />

mother goddess which is vengeful <strong>and</strong> unpredictable.<br />

One Mother gives life <strong>and</strong> the other Mother takes life.<br />

These two extreme types of Mother Goddesses are,<br />

accord<strong>in</strong>g to Obeyesekere, “products of cultural<br />

transformations of the <strong>in</strong>fantile experience with actual<br />

mothers <strong>in</strong> the H<strong>in</strong>du jo<strong>in</strong>t family” (ibid:427).<br />

Numerous gender studies have been conducted which<br />

challenge notions of women as more or less passive<br />

victims of patriarchy, <strong>and</strong> they emphasise the different<br />

spheres where women are <strong>in</strong> power or the various ways<br />

women may challenge exist<strong>in</strong>g structures of power <strong>and</strong><br />

dom<strong>in</strong>ation. (e.g. Raheja & Gold 1994, Raheja 2003,<br />

Wadley 1980). Nevertheless, although these studies are<br />

important, <strong>in</strong> my op<strong>in</strong>ion they cannot give an account for<br />

why the images of the goddesses take on the form <strong>and</strong><br />

popularity they do, <strong>and</strong> I will therefore follow<br />

Obeyesekere <strong>in</strong> his <strong>in</strong>terpretation.<br />

The images of goddesses such as Kali (or Patt<strong>in</strong>i) <strong>and</strong><br />

Ganga must <strong>in</strong> some or another way relate to life<br />

experiences of the devotees who worship these types of<br />

Mother Goddesses. The basis for the mother-goddess<br />

phenomena lies <strong>in</strong> the implications of the Brahmanic<br />

values for the female role <strong>and</strong> mother-child relation, <strong>and</strong><br />

these values are deeply rooted <strong>and</strong> experienced early <strong>in</strong><br />

people’s lives. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to traditional norms the wife is<br />

supposed to perceive <strong>and</strong> treat her husb<strong>and</strong> as a god.<br />

“The husb<strong>and</strong> as god is based on the model of the man<br />

that the woman possesses <strong>in</strong> her own conscious, <strong>and</strong> this<br />

is <strong>in</strong> turn based on her own perception of her own<br />

father” (Obeyesekere 1984:434). However, it is most<br />

likely that a huge number of husb<strong>and</strong>s cannot match<br />

their wives’ ideal. Jorimon, a poor village woman <strong>in</strong><br />

Bangladesh once said; “I never had any wish fulfilled at<br />

my father’s home, neither did I have any better luck at<br />

my husb<strong>and</strong>’s” (Hashmi 2000:1). “Hence sensitive<br />

females must search elsewhere for lov<strong>in</strong>g surrogate male<br />

figures, which <strong>in</strong> H<strong>in</strong>du society are the guru <strong>and</strong> the<br />

idealized god…toward whom a woman can direct her<br />

love, her bhakti, a comb<strong>in</strong>ation of eroticism <strong>and</strong><br />

devotionalism” (Obeyesekere 1984:434-435). Child<br />

marriages have been the norm <strong>and</strong> the woman is<br />

transferred from her parents house to the husb<strong>and</strong>’s<br />

household soon after puberty, <strong>and</strong> “she is a physically<br />

<strong>and</strong> psychologically immature girl who has hardly left<br />

her childhood beh<strong>in</strong>d” (ibid:439). As a newly married<br />

young woman, the spouse atta<strong>in</strong>s a secondary role <strong>in</strong> the<br />

jo<strong>in</strong>t family as a daughter-<strong>in</strong>-law, totally under control

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