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Cremation, Caste, and Cosmogony in Karmic Traditions.

Cremation, Caste, and Cosmogony in Karmic Traditions.

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therefore concentrate on his documentation <strong>and</strong><br />

hypothesis although I will <strong>in</strong>clude other <strong>in</strong>terpretations<br />

which differ from Marshall’s.<br />

The temple is located outside the city wall, <strong>and</strong> J<strong>and</strong>ial<br />

may have been built for fire worship. The length of the<br />

temple is 158 ft <strong>and</strong> the width is 85 ft <strong>and</strong> it has Ionic<br />

columns (fig. 17.2). The plan of the temple is unlike any<br />

of the Indian temples but its resemblance to the classical<br />

temples of Greece is strik<strong>in</strong>g. In Greece a peristyle of<br />

columns surrounds the ord<strong>in</strong>ary peripheral temple, <strong>and</strong> it<br />

conta<strong>in</strong>s a pronaos or front porch, a naos or sanctuary,<br />

<strong>and</strong> an opisthodomos or back porch. An extra chamber<br />

between the sanctuary <strong>and</strong> the back porch was common<br />

<strong>in</strong> some large temples such as Parthenon <strong>in</strong> Athens <strong>and</strong><br />

the Temple of Artemis <strong>in</strong> Ephesus, <strong>and</strong> the plan of the<br />

temple of J<strong>and</strong>ial is structured almost identically. The<br />

ma<strong>in</strong> difference, which is crucial <strong>in</strong> this case, is that<br />

<strong>in</strong>stead of an extra chamber between the sanctuary <strong>and</strong><br />

the back porch, at J<strong>and</strong>ial there was a solid mass of<br />

masonry, the foundations of which were carried down<br />

over 20 ft below the temple floor. Based on the depth of<br />

these foundations it seems that the masonry was<br />

<strong>in</strong>tended to carry a heavy superstructure, which<br />

apparently rose <strong>in</strong> the form of a tower considerably<br />

higher than the rest of the build<strong>in</strong>g. Access to the tower<br />

was probably from ascend<strong>in</strong>g steps from the<br />

opisthodomos at the rear of the temple. Marshall<br />

estimates the height of the tower to have been about 40<br />

ft (Marshall 1951a:222-223), but he does not mention if<br />

there has been found any human skeletal rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> the<br />

temple or <strong>in</strong> the vic<strong>in</strong>ity.<br />

The strik<strong>in</strong>gly Greek character of the plan <strong>and</strong> the design<br />

of the Ionic pillars suggest that it was erected under the<br />

rule of the Bactrian Greek k<strong>in</strong>gs who built <strong>and</strong> occupied<br />

the Sirkap city dur<strong>in</strong>g the second century BCE (Marshall<br />

1951a:225, 229). The superstructure of the temple,<br />

<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the architrave, frieze <strong>and</strong> cornice, appears to<br />

have been made of wood. Similarly, the roof of the<br />

temple was most likely flat <strong>and</strong> made of wood, <strong>and</strong> not<br />

of the usual ridge type <strong>in</strong> Greek temples. If the roof had<br />

been made by slop<strong>in</strong>g tiles or metal plates, then there<br />

should have been rema<strong>in</strong>s of the tiles, but there were no<br />

traces of such rema<strong>in</strong>s preserved. Therefore, based on<br />

the f<strong>in</strong>ds Marshall concludes that the roof of the temple<br />

was flat, like most of the build<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> the Orient, <strong>and</strong><br />

protected by half a foot of clay spread over the timbers<br />

(ibid:224).<br />

The religious character of the temple is a question that<br />

cannot be answered with certa<strong>in</strong>ty. It was most likely not<br />

Buddhist due to the total absence of any Buddhist<br />

images or other characteristic relics <strong>and</strong> because of its<br />

unusual plan. For similar reasons one must rule out that<br />

this was a Brahmanical or a Ja<strong>in</strong> temple. The solid tower<br />

<strong>in</strong> the middle of the temple is significant <strong>and</strong> bears some<br />

similarities to the ziggurats of Mesopotamia. Thus,<br />

Marshall concludes “from its presence, as well as from<br />

the entire absence of images, that the temple was<br />

258<br />

probably Zoroastrian. If this was so, the fire altar may<br />

have stood on the summit of the tower” (Marshall<br />

1951a:226). J. J. Modi doubted the hypothesis about the<br />

location of the altar, <strong>and</strong> argued that the altar stood <strong>in</strong> the<br />

<strong>in</strong>ner sanctuary or naos <strong>and</strong> the tower was used for other<br />

purposes (Modi 1915), but he agreed that it was a<br />

Zoroastrian temple.<br />

Nazimudd<strong>in</strong> Ahman has tried to show that the date of the<br />

J<strong>and</strong>ial temple cannot be earlier than Azes I (ca. 57-35<br />

BCE), <strong>and</strong> his ma<strong>in</strong> arguments are that (1) no Bactrian<br />

Greek K<strong>in</strong>g is known to have professed Zoroastrian<br />

religion, (2) no co<strong>in</strong>s of Indo-Greek rulers were found<br />

from the temple, (3) the covered passage around the<br />

temple is un-Greek, (4) the temple is contemporary with<br />

the nearby Mohra Maliaran Temple, <strong>and</strong> (5) the presence<br />

of a stone slab with foot-pr<strong>in</strong>ts of Buddha po<strong>in</strong>ts towards<br />

first century BCE <strong>and</strong> not earlier. These arguments are <strong>in</strong><br />

themselves, however, <strong>in</strong>sufficient for decid<strong>in</strong>g the date<br />

of the temple as well as the religious character of the<br />

temple (Dar 1984:51). As Marshall notes regard<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

co<strong>in</strong>s, they were found <strong>in</strong> the deep accumulation of<br />

debris cover<strong>in</strong>g the ru<strong>in</strong>s, <strong>in</strong>to which they must have<br />

found their way at some time subsequent to the<br />

destruction of the temple, but before the later medieval<br />

temple was erected (Marshall 1951a:224). Nevertheless,<br />

regard<strong>in</strong>g the date of the temple, Marshall says, “I am<br />

<strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to the view that both the J<strong>and</strong>ial temple <strong>and</strong> the<br />

Mohra Maliaran shr<strong>in</strong>e were erected under the Sakas <strong>in</strong><br />

the first century B.C. rather than under the Greeks <strong>in</strong> the<br />

second century B.C., though…the po<strong>in</strong>t is still a<br />

debatable one” (ibid:225). In a late postscript he argued<br />

that the temple belongs to the Greek period (ibid:229).<br />

It has also been argued that the J<strong>and</strong>ial temple has<br />

noth<strong>in</strong>g to do with Zoroastrianism <strong>and</strong> that “this temple<br />

is a pure Greek monument of the second century BC. A<br />

few unclassical features <strong>in</strong> this temple do not affect its<br />

over-all-Greek character. Instead, these reflect the<br />

Hellenistic spirit of experiment, accommodation <strong>and</strong><br />

adoption” (Dar 1984:33), <strong>and</strong> Dar cont<strong>in</strong>ues, “thus it is<br />

clearly established that J<strong>and</strong>ial Temple dates back to the<br />

rule of the Bactrian Greeks, as orig<strong>in</strong>ally planned, it had<br />

noth<strong>in</strong>g to do with Zoroastrianism. Hav<strong>in</strong>g been built by<br />

the Greeks <strong>and</strong> most probably for the Greeks<br />

themselves, the temple was meant to display, <strong>in</strong> its naos,<br />

some statues of the Hellenistic Parthenon” (ibid:53). The<br />

comb<strong>in</strong>ation of a Fire Sanctuary <strong>and</strong> a Fire Temple<br />

never occurred until the last of the Parthian period, <strong>and</strong><br />

the J<strong>and</strong>ial Temple conta<strong>in</strong>s none of the peculiarities of a<br />

Fire temple of the Achaemenian, Parthian, or Sassanian<br />

periods (ibid:47). Dar uses the construction of the temple<br />

itself as a weighty argument aga<strong>in</strong>st the idea of a tower.<br />

He argues that even if we “accept the sturdiest of all the<br />

proportions known between the bottom <strong>and</strong> top of the<br />

column of an Ionic order i.e. 1:8, the total height of the<br />

façade of the J<strong>and</strong>ial Temple, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the height of the<br />

columns…could not have been less than 12 to 13<br />

metres” (ibid:52).

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