Cremation, Caste, and Cosmogony in Karmic Traditions.
Cremation, Caste, and Cosmogony in Karmic Traditions.
Cremation, Caste, and Cosmogony in Karmic Traditions.
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therefore concentrate on his documentation <strong>and</strong><br />
hypothesis although I will <strong>in</strong>clude other <strong>in</strong>terpretations<br />
which differ from Marshall’s.<br />
The temple is located outside the city wall, <strong>and</strong> J<strong>and</strong>ial<br />
may have been built for fire worship. The length of the<br />
temple is 158 ft <strong>and</strong> the width is 85 ft <strong>and</strong> it has Ionic<br />
columns (fig. 17.2). The plan of the temple is unlike any<br />
of the Indian temples but its resemblance to the classical<br />
temples of Greece is strik<strong>in</strong>g. In Greece a peristyle of<br />
columns surrounds the ord<strong>in</strong>ary peripheral temple, <strong>and</strong> it<br />
conta<strong>in</strong>s a pronaos or front porch, a naos or sanctuary,<br />
<strong>and</strong> an opisthodomos or back porch. An extra chamber<br />
between the sanctuary <strong>and</strong> the back porch was common<br />
<strong>in</strong> some large temples such as Parthenon <strong>in</strong> Athens <strong>and</strong><br />
the Temple of Artemis <strong>in</strong> Ephesus, <strong>and</strong> the plan of the<br />
temple of J<strong>and</strong>ial is structured almost identically. The<br />
ma<strong>in</strong> difference, which is crucial <strong>in</strong> this case, is that<br />
<strong>in</strong>stead of an extra chamber between the sanctuary <strong>and</strong><br />
the back porch, at J<strong>and</strong>ial there was a solid mass of<br />
masonry, the foundations of which were carried down<br />
over 20 ft below the temple floor. Based on the depth of<br />
these foundations it seems that the masonry was<br />
<strong>in</strong>tended to carry a heavy superstructure, which<br />
apparently rose <strong>in</strong> the form of a tower considerably<br />
higher than the rest of the build<strong>in</strong>g. Access to the tower<br />
was probably from ascend<strong>in</strong>g steps from the<br />
opisthodomos at the rear of the temple. Marshall<br />
estimates the height of the tower to have been about 40<br />
ft (Marshall 1951a:222-223), but he does not mention if<br />
there has been found any human skeletal rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> the<br />
temple or <strong>in</strong> the vic<strong>in</strong>ity.<br />
The strik<strong>in</strong>gly Greek character of the plan <strong>and</strong> the design<br />
of the Ionic pillars suggest that it was erected under the<br />
rule of the Bactrian Greek k<strong>in</strong>gs who built <strong>and</strong> occupied<br />
the Sirkap city dur<strong>in</strong>g the second century BCE (Marshall<br />
1951a:225, 229). The superstructure of the temple,<br />
<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the architrave, frieze <strong>and</strong> cornice, appears to<br />
have been made of wood. Similarly, the roof of the<br />
temple was most likely flat <strong>and</strong> made of wood, <strong>and</strong> not<br />
of the usual ridge type <strong>in</strong> Greek temples. If the roof had<br />
been made by slop<strong>in</strong>g tiles or metal plates, then there<br />
should have been rema<strong>in</strong>s of the tiles, but there were no<br />
traces of such rema<strong>in</strong>s preserved. Therefore, based on<br />
the f<strong>in</strong>ds Marshall concludes that the roof of the temple<br />
was flat, like most of the build<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> the Orient, <strong>and</strong><br />
protected by half a foot of clay spread over the timbers<br />
(ibid:224).<br />
The religious character of the temple is a question that<br />
cannot be answered with certa<strong>in</strong>ty. It was most likely not<br />
Buddhist due to the total absence of any Buddhist<br />
images or other characteristic relics <strong>and</strong> because of its<br />
unusual plan. For similar reasons one must rule out that<br />
this was a Brahmanical or a Ja<strong>in</strong> temple. The solid tower<br />
<strong>in</strong> the middle of the temple is significant <strong>and</strong> bears some<br />
similarities to the ziggurats of Mesopotamia. Thus,<br />
Marshall concludes “from its presence, as well as from<br />
the entire absence of images, that the temple was<br />
258<br />
probably Zoroastrian. If this was so, the fire altar may<br />
have stood on the summit of the tower” (Marshall<br />
1951a:226). J. J. Modi doubted the hypothesis about the<br />
location of the altar, <strong>and</strong> argued that the altar stood <strong>in</strong> the<br />
<strong>in</strong>ner sanctuary or naos <strong>and</strong> the tower was used for other<br />
purposes (Modi 1915), but he agreed that it was a<br />
Zoroastrian temple.<br />
Nazimudd<strong>in</strong> Ahman has tried to show that the date of the<br />
J<strong>and</strong>ial temple cannot be earlier than Azes I (ca. 57-35<br />
BCE), <strong>and</strong> his ma<strong>in</strong> arguments are that (1) no Bactrian<br />
Greek K<strong>in</strong>g is known to have professed Zoroastrian<br />
religion, (2) no co<strong>in</strong>s of Indo-Greek rulers were found<br />
from the temple, (3) the covered passage around the<br />
temple is un-Greek, (4) the temple is contemporary with<br />
the nearby Mohra Maliaran Temple, <strong>and</strong> (5) the presence<br />
of a stone slab with foot-pr<strong>in</strong>ts of Buddha po<strong>in</strong>ts towards<br />
first century BCE <strong>and</strong> not earlier. These arguments are <strong>in</strong><br />
themselves, however, <strong>in</strong>sufficient for decid<strong>in</strong>g the date<br />
of the temple as well as the religious character of the<br />
temple (Dar 1984:51). As Marshall notes regard<strong>in</strong>g the<br />
co<strong>in</strong>s, they were found <strong>in</strong> the deep accumulation of<br />
debris cover<strong>in</strong>g the ru<strong>in</strong>s, <strong>in</strong>to which they must have<br />
found their way at some time subsequent to the<br />
destruction of the temple, but before the later medieval<br />
temple was erected (Marshall 1951a:224). Nevertheless,<br />
regard<strong>in</strong>g the date of the temple, Marshall says, “I am<br />
<strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to the view that both the J<strong>and</strong>ial temple <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Mohra Maliaran shr<strong>in</strong>e were erected under the Sakas <strong>in</strong><br />
the first century B.C. rather than under the Greeks <strong>in</strong> the<br />
second century B.C., though…the po<strong>in</strong>t is still a<br />
debatable one” (ibid:225). In a late postscript he argued<br />
that the temple belongs to the Greek period (ibid:229).<br />
It has also been argued that the J<strong>and</strong>ial temple has<br />
noth<strong>in</strong>g to do with Zoroastrianism <strong>and</strong> that “this temple<br />
is a pure Greek monument of the second century BC. A<br />
few unclassical features <strong>in</strong> this temple do not affect its<br />
over-all-Greek character. Instead, these reflect the<br />
Hellenistic spirit of experiment, accommodation <strong>and</strong><br />
adoption” (Dar 1984:33), <strong>and</strong> Dar cont<strong>in</strong>ues, “thus it is<br />
clearly established that J<strong>and</strong>ial Temple dates back to the<br />
rule of the Bactrian Greeks, as orig<strong>in</strong>ally planned, it had<br />
noth<strong>in</strong>g to do with Zoroastrianism. Hav<strong>in</strong>g been built by<br />
the Greeks <strong>and</strong> most probably for the Greeks<br />
themselves, the temple was meant to display, <strong>in</strong> its naos,<br />
some statues of the Hellenistic Parthenon” (ibid:53). The<br />
comb<strong>in</strong>ation of a Fire Sanctuary <strong>and</strong> a Fire Temple<br />
never occurred until the last of the Parthian period, <strong>and</strong><br />
the J<strong>and</strong>ial Temple conta<strong>in</strong>s none of the peculiarities of a<br />
Fire temple of the Achaemenian, Parthian, or Sassanian<br />
periods (ibid:47). Dar uses the construction of the temple<br />
itself as a weighty argument aga<strong>in</strong>st the idea of a tower.<br />
He argues that even if we “accept the sturdiest of all the<br />
proportions known between the bottom <strong>and</strong> top of the<br />
column of an Ionic order i.e. 1:8, the total height of the<br />
façade of the J<strong>and</strong>ial Temple, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the height of the<br />
columns…could not have been less than 12 to 13<br />
metres” (ibid:52).