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The Challenges and Opportunities of Security Sector Reform in Post ...

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Executive Summary<br />

Liberia presents one <strong>of</strong> the most challeng<strong>in</strong>g contexts for post conflict reconstruction<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce the end <strong>of</strong> the Cold War, featur<strong>in</strong>g a protracted civil war <strong>and</strong> the concomitant<br />

destruction <strong>of</strong> the state, society <strong>and</strong> economy. This Occasional Paper exam<strong>in</strong>es post<br />

conflict reconstruction <strong>in</strong> Liberia, with particular focus on the security sector. <strong>The</strong> paper<br />

argues that opportunities for security sector reform (SSR) are conditioned by the<br />

mutually re<strong>in</strong>forc<strong>in</strong>g relationship between the state <strong>of</strong> security on the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

security <strong>of</strong> the state on the other. <strong>The</strong> prospects for stability <strong>and</strong> peacebuild<strong>in</strong>g are enhanced<br />

by the extent to which SSR is predicated on the state <strong>of</strong> security broadly def<strong>in</strong>ed, as<br />

opposed to the narrower focus on the security <strong>of</strong> the state.<br />

<strong>The</strong> core <strong>of</strong> SSR lies <strong>in</strong> the tw<strong>in</strong> imperatives <strong>of</strong> operational efficiency <strong>and</strong> democratic<br />

governance. From a governance perspective, therefore, the objective <strong>of</strong> improv<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

ability <strong>of</strong> security <strong>in</strong>stitutions to deliver security services to the majority <strong>of</strong> the population<br />

<strong>in</strong> a cost effective <strong>and</strong> operationally efficient manner is necessary but not sufficient.<br />

Operational efficiency, without effective democratic governance <strong>of</strong> the security sector is<br />

a recipe for brutalisation <strong>and</strong> oppression <strong>of</strong> the population by the armed <strong>and</strong> security<br />

forces, particularly <strong>of</strong> the poor <strong>and</strong> vulnerable. SSR therefore seeks to achieve, not only<br />

the efficacy <strong>of</strong> security <strong>in</strong>stitutions, but also to ensure that they are consistent with<br />

democratic norms <strong>of</strong> transparency, accountability <strong>and</strong> responsiveness. This is particularly<br />

relevant <strong>in</strong> the case <strong>of</strong> Liberia where there has been repeated personalization <strong>of</strong> the<br />

security sector an all-powerful presidency. In this regard, it must be noted that the<br />

Liberian reconstruction process has, thus far, paid little attention to the governance<br />

aspects <strong>of</strong> reform, <strong>and</strong> would need to be addressed by a newly-elected government.<br />

In addition, Liberia’s transition period (2003-2005) has not featured a discernible national<br />

security policy <strong>and</strong>, relatedly, there has been the lack <strong>of</strong> a coherent <strong>and</strong> comprehensive<br />

framework for the reconstruction <strong>of</strong> the security sector. Rather, there has been a<br />

compartmentalisation <strong>of</strong> reform <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> the reform process. For example, despite the<br />

emphasis on reform<strong>in</strong>g the police, there has been no correspond<strong>in</strong>g effort on the<br />

reform<strong>in</strong>g the judiciary <strong>and</strong> correctional services, result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> an over-burdened judiciary<br />

<strong>and</strong> congested prisons.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Liberian peace process follows the pattern <strong>of</strong> the UN’s modus oper<strong>and</strong>i which has<br />

been emerg<strong>in</strong>g s<strong>in</strong>ce the end <strong>of</strong> the Cold War, characterized by a sequence <strong>of</strong> activities <strong>in</strong><br />

the order <strong>of</strong> a peace agreement, followed by deployment <strong>of</strong> peacekeepers, a DDR<br />

programme, SSR, <strong>and</strong> end<strong>in</strong>g with elections. In the case <strong>of</strong> Liberia a Comprehensive<br />

Peace Agreement, signed <strong>in</strong> Accra <strong>in</strong> August 2003, provided for the formation <strong>of</strong> a<br />

transitional government (National Transitional Government <strong>of</strong> Liberia), <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g a<br />

transitional parliament (National Transitional Legislative Assembly). However, the<br />

challenge <strong>and</strong> opportunity <strong>of</strong> start<strong>in</strong>g reconstruction from scratch have been hampered<br />

by various factors <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g governance deficits <strong>and</strong> corruption <strong>in</strong> the transitional<br />

government, the <strong>in</strong>conclusive nature <strong>of</strong> the DDR process <strong>and</strong> a gap between<br />

Disarmament <strong>and</strong> Demobilization on the one h<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Re<strong>in</strong>tegration <strong>and</strong> Rehabilitation<br />

on the other (DD-RR gap), Charles Taylor’s cont<strong>in</strong>ued meddl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the affairs <strong>of</strong> the<br />

country <strong>and</strong> the yet unresolved issue <strong>of</strong> transitional justice, failure to address the youth<br />

question <strong>and</strong> other root causes <strong>of</strong> conflict.<br />

ii

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