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Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...

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For example, Swedish respects the nestedness condition (see Mal<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong><br />

Zaenen 1982: 238f) although it fails to show superiority effects, see (29)<br />

<strong>and</strong> (ii) <strong>in</strong> endnote 3. Thus, at least <strong>in</strong> Swedish, nestedness cannot be<br />

reduced to the <strong>MLC</strong>.<br />

(29) Absence of superiority effects <strong>in</strong> Swedish<br />

Vad koepte vem<br />

what bought who<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>MLC</strong> <strong>and</strong> derivational economy 89<br />

At least certa<strong>in</strong> varieties of Spanish (see (30)) <strong>and</strong> Catalan exemplify what<br />

appears to be an anti-nestedness effect for extractions from wh-clauses: the<br />

wh-phrase that is merged <strong>in</strong> the higher position must also be the one moved<br />

to the higher of the two Spec,CP slots. Thus, wh-subjects <strong>and</strong> wh-<strong>in</strong>direct<br />

objects may cross wh-objects, but not vice versa.<br />

(30) Anti-nestedness <strong>in</strong> Spanish<br />

a.*qué libros no sabes quién ha leido<br />

which books not you know who has read<br />

b. quién no sabes qué libros ha leido<br />

who not you know which books has read<br />

c. a quién no sabes qué libros ha devuelto Celia<br />

to who not you know which books has returned Celia<br />

d.*qué libros no sabes a quíen ha devuelto Celia<br />

Likewise, Richards (2001: 27) claims that there is an anti-nestedness effect<br />

<strong>in</strong> Bulgarian. Aga<strong>in</strong>, the constra<strong>in</strong>t seems uncorrelated with superiority,<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce simple superiority effects are observed <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian only, <strong>and</strong> not <strong>in</strong><br />

Spanish.<br />

(31) Anti-nestedness <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian<br />

a. Koj1 se opitvat da razberat kogo2 t1 e ubil t2 Who self try to f<strong>in</strong>d out whom is killed<br />

b.*Kogo 1 se opitvat da razberat koj 2 t 2 e ubil t 2<br />

In any event, it is hard to draw firm theoretical conclusions from such contrasts,<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce there is considerable <strong>in</strong>dividual variation among speakers of

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