Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...
Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...
Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...
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For example, Swedish respects the nestedness condition (see Mal<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong><br />
Zaenen 1982: 238f) although it fails to show superiority effects, see (29)<br />
<strong>and</strong> (ii) <strong>in</strong> endnote 3. Thus, at least <strong>in</strong> Swedish, nestedness cannot be<br />
reduced to the <strong>MLC</strong>.<br />
(29) Absence of superiority effects <strong>in</strong> Swedish<br />
Vad koepte vem<br />
what bought who<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>MLC</strong> <strong>and</strong> derivational economy 89<br />
At least certa<strong>in</strong> varieties of Spanish (see (30)) <strong>and</strong> Catalan exemplify what<br />
appears to be an anti-nestedness effect for extractions from wh-clauses: the<br />
wh-phrase that is merged <strong>in</strong> the higher position must also be the one moved<br />
to the higher of the two Spec,CP slots. Thus, wh-subjects <strong>and</strong> wh-<strong>in</strong>direct<br />
objects may cross wh-objects, but not vice versa.<br />
(30) Anti-nestedness <strong>in</strong> Spanish<br />
a.*qué libros no sabes quién ha leido<br />
which books not you know who has read<br />
b. quién no sabes qué libros ha leido<br />
who not you know which books has read<br />
c. a quién no sabes qué libros ha devuelto Celia<br />
to who not you know which books has returned Celia<br />
d.*qué libros no sabes a quíen ha devuelto Celia<br />
Likewise, Richards (2001: 27) claims that there is an anti-nestedness effect<br />
<strong>in</strong> Bulgarian. Aga<strong>in</strong>, the constra<strong>in</strong>t seems uncorrelated with superiority,<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce simple superiority effects are observed <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian only, <strong>and</strong> not <strong>in</strong><br />
Spanish.<br />
(31) Anti-nestedness <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian<br />
a. Koj1 se opitvat da razberat kogo2 t1 e ubil t2 Who self try to f<strong>in</strong>d out whom is killed<br />
b.*Kogo 1 se opitvat da razberat koj 2 t 2 e ubil t 2<br />
In any event, it is hard to draw firm theoretical conclusions from such contrasts,<br />
s<strong>in</strong>ce there is considerable <strong>in</strong>dividual variation among speakers of