Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...
Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...
Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...
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(63) Restricted liberalization of superiority <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian<br />
a. Koj kogo kakvo e pital?<br />
who whom what is asked<br />
“Who asked whom what?’<br />
b. Koj kakvo kogo e pital?<br />
c. Koj kogo kak e tselunal?<br />
who whom how is kissed<br />
“Who kissed whom how?”<br />
d. Koj kak kogo e tselunal?<br />
e. Koj kogo kŭde e vidjal?<br />
who whom where is seen<br />
f. Koj kŭde kogo e vidjal?<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>MLC</strong> <strong>and</strong> derivational economy 109<br />
Recall also that the order<strong>in</strong>g restrictions of Bulgarian koj do not show the<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpretation-sensitivity of the English superiority effect. <strong>The</strong> judgements<br />
for (9) – repeated for convenience – seem to correlate with the jugdements<br />
for simple kakvo koj kupi. If the <strong>MLC</strong> would be responsible for the ungrammaticality<br />
of (59d), it would be unclear why the condition is not <strong>in</strong>terpretation-sensitive<br />
<strong>in</strong> Bulgarian, whereas it is <strong>in</strong> English <strong>and</strong> German.<br />
(9)Anti-superiority <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian<br />
a.#koj se chudi, kakvo koj kupi?<br />
who wonders what who bought<br />
“who wonders what who bought?”<br />
b.#na kogo kaza, kakvo koj kupi?<br />
who.dat you-tell what who bought<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>MLC</strong> is thus not a likely cause for the order<strong>in</strong>g restrictions <strong>in</strong><br />
Bulgarian. A simple account can, however, be formulated <strong>in</strong> terms of the fact<br />
that Bulgarian is a multiple front<strong>in</strong>g language. One of the crucial <strong>in</strong>sights of<br />
Rud<strong>in</strong> (1988) was that the peculiarities <strong>in</strong> the behavior of Bulgarian (as compared<br />
to other Slavic languages) can be related to the fact that Bulgarian is a<br />
“multiple filler” language: all wh-phrases must be preposed <strong>in</strong> a multiple<br />
question (unless they are discourse-l<strong>in</strong>ked). Suppose that sequences of whpronouns<br />
form a cluster, <strong>and</strong> that the morphophonological realization of this<br />
cluster is subject to the k<strong>in</strong>d of rules that also govern the l<strong>in</strong>ear arrangement