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Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...

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(63) Restricted liberalization of superiority <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian<br />

a. Koj kogo kakvo e pital?<br />

who whom what is asked<br />

“Who asked whom what?’<br />

b. Koj kakvo kogo e pital?<br />

c. Koj kogo kak e tselunal?<br />

who whom how is kissed<br />

“Who kissed whom how?”<br />

d. Koj kak kogo e tselunal?<br />

e. Koj kogo kŭde e vidjal?<br />

who whom where is seen<br />

f. Koj kŭde kogo e vidjal?<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>MLC</strong> <strong>and</strong> derivational economy 109<br />

Recall also that the order<strong>in</strong>g restrictions of Bulgarian koj do not show the<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretation-sensitivity of the English superiority effect. <strong>The</strong> judgements<br />

for (9) – repeated for convenience – seem to correlate with the jugdements<br />

for simple kakvo koj kupi. If the <strong>MLC</strong> would be responsible for the ungrammaticality<br />

of (59d), it would be unclear why the condition is not <strong>in</strong>terpretation-sensitive<br />

<strong>in</strong> Bulgarian, whereas it is <strong>in</strong> English <strong>and</strong> German.<br />

(9)Anti-superiority <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian<br />

a.#koj se chudi, kakvo koj kupi?<br />

who wonders what who bought<br />

“who wonders what who bought?”<br />

b.#na kogo kaza, kakvo koj kupi?<br />

who.dat you-tell what who bought<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>MLC</strong> is thus not a likely cause for the order<strong>in</strong>g restrictions <strong>in</strong><br />

Bulgarian. A simple account can, however, be formulated <strong>in</strong> terms of the fact<br />

that Bulgarian is a multiple front<strong>in</strong>g language. One of the crucial <strong>in</strong>sights of<br />

Rud<strong>in</strong> (1988) was that the peculiarities <strong>in</strong> the behavior of Bulgarian (as compared<br />

to other Slavic languages) can be related to the fact that Bulgarian is a<br />

“multiple filler” language: all wh-phrases must be preposed <strong>in</strong> a multiple<br />

question (unless they are discourse-l<strong>in</strong>ked). Suppose that sequences of whpronouns<br />

form a cluster, <strong>and</strong> that the morphophonological realization of this<br />

cluster is subject to the k<strong>in</strong>d of rules that also govern the l<strong>in</strong>ear arrangement

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