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Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...

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80 Gisbert Fanselow<br />

vant for the applicability of the <strong>MLC</strong> must be a matter of identical (or closeto-identical)<br />

Logical Forms. <strong>The</strong> LF of (12c) is different from the one of (12b)<br />

(see <strong>in</strong> particular Fanselow <strong>and</strong> Mahajan (2000) for arguments), <strong>and</strong> therefore,<br />

(12c) does not count when the grammaticality of (12b) is established.<br />

Haider (1997: 221) exemplifies the claim that complement clause whphrases<br />

may cross matrix wh-phrases <strong>in</strong> German with examples such as (14).<br />

To me, (14) <strong>in</strong>vites a s<strong>in</strong>gle-pair answer only, so that (14) is not fully comparable<br />

to the multiple questions discussed so far. Furthermore (14) <strong>in</strong>volves<br />

apparent movement from a V2-complement clause, <strong>and</strong> the theoretical<br />

status of such an operation is quite unclear, see Reis (1996, 1997) for arguments<br />

that the construction is parenthetical. I therefore refra<strong>in</strong> from discuss<strong>in</strong>g<br />

such examples <strong>in</strong> more detail.<br />

(14) Superiority violations <strong>in</strong> a construction with extraction out of a V2<br />

complement<br />

wemi Bild<br />

hat wer<br />

verkauft]?<br />

gesagt [ei habe sie ei e<strong>in</strong><br />

who.dat hat who.nom said has.subjunctive she a<br />

picture sold<br />

“who said she had sold a picture to whom?”<br />

Our argumentation presupposes that s<strong>in</strong>gle-pair <strong>in</strong>terpretations of multiple<br />

questions (for which (12a) seems marg<strong>in</strong>ally acceptable) have a derivation<br />

different from the one for multiple questions with a pair-list read<strong>in</strong>g. This<br />

claim is supported by the observation that further constructions are ungrammatical<br />

with a pair-list read<strong>in</strong>g, but acceptable under a s<strong>in</strong>gle-pair <strong>in</strong>terpretation.<br />

E.g., most native speakers of German (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the author) reject<br />

(15) as a question ask<strong>in</strong>g for pair-lists, but the s<strong>in</strong>gle pair <strong>in</strong>terpretation is<br />

f<strong>in</strong>e.<br />

(15) Multiple adjunct question with a s<strong>in</strong>gle pair <strong>in</strong>terpretation<br />

wie hat er es warum geschrieben<br />

how has he it why written<br />

“how did he write it, <strong>and</strong> why”<br />

Examples such as (7) show that the applicability of the <strong>MLC</strong> depends on<br />

the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the structure that it would block. German data such as

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