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Minimality Effects in Syntax · The MLC and Derivational Economy ...

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76 Gisbert Fanselow<br />

(7) Absence of superiority effects for wh-phrases with different scope<br />

a. who wonders what who bought?<br />

b. who wonders who bought what?<br />

c. who wonders what John persuaded who to buy __ ?<br />

d. who wonders what John told who that he should buy __ ?<br />

Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Golan (1993), Kitahara (1993), <strong>and</strong> Re<strong>in</strong>hart (1995, 1998), such<br />

facts suggest that the <strong>MLC</strong> must be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as an economy constra<strong>in</strong>t<br />

related to LF-outputs (mean<strong>in</strong>gs). Whenever there is no other way to express<br />

a certa<strong>in</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g, the <strong>MLC</strong> need not be respected. Let us consider (7a) <strong>in</strong><br />

more detail. Overt movement of a wh-phrase to Spec,CP fixes its scope. A<br />

wh-phrase merged <strong>in</strong> a complement clause can thus take matrix scope under<br />

two conditions only: it moves to the Spec,CP position of the matrix clause,<br />

or it stays <strong>in</strong> situ, <strong>and</strong> gets scope-bound by an element <strong>in</strong> the matrix clause.<br />

It must not, however, be placed <strong>in</strong>to the Spec,CP position of the complement<br />

clause, <strong>and</strong> still take matrix scope. Thus, the subject of the complement clause<br />

who can take matrix scope <strong>in</strong> (7a) only if it stays <strong>in</strong> situ. In other words, it<br />

can take matrix scope only if crossed by the lower wh-phrase what target<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the complement clause Spec,CP position. <strong>The</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g (8a) of (7a) simply<br />

cannot be expressed differently – (7b) means someth<strong>in</strong>g else (viz. (8b)).<br />

Whether the <strong>MLC</strong> is respected or not is irrelevant when the structural alternatives<br />

differ <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation.<br />

(8) a.For which persons x,y: x wonders what y bought<br />

b.For which person x, <strong>and</strong> for which z: x wonders who bought z<br />

In contrast to what holds for (7), the two derivational alternatives <strong>in</strong> (3) do<br />

not yield different <strong>in</strong>terpretations: there is only one scope option available<br />

for the two wh-phrases. In such a situation (<strong>and</strong> only <strong>in</strong> such a situation),<br />

the <strong>MLC</strong> filters out derivations that are not <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e with it. Further English<br />

constructions illustrat<strong>in</strong>g that the application of the <strong>MLC</strong> depends on the<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretation arrived at will be presented <strong>in</strong> sections 2.1. <strong>and</strong> 2.3.<br />

Given that the wellformedness of (7a) is of some theoretical importance,<br />

it is surpris<strong>in</strong>g that little evidence from other languages has entered the discussion<br />

of the <strong>in</strong>terpretation-sensitivity of the <strong>MLC</strong>. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to one of<br />

my <strong>in</strong>formants (Koyka Stoyanova, p.c.), (9a,b) are as f<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong> Bulgarian as<br />

they are <strong>in</strong> English if the second occurence of koj is stressed, but <strong>in</strong> her<br />

dialect, the order kakvo koj is grammatical <strong>in</strong> simple multiple questions, too.

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