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TIBET AT A TURNING POINT: THE SPRING UPRISING AND CHINA’S NEW CRACKDOWN CENTRAL TIBET WORK COORDINATION WORKING GROUP Position Incumbent † Predecessor * Chairman of the CPPCC (Chairman of working group * ) Jia Qinglin Jia Qinglin Secretary General of the State Council (Deputy chair * ) Ma Kai Hua Jianmin Minister of Public Security (Deputy chair * ) Meng Jianzhu Zhou Yongkang Director of the UFWD (Deputy chair * ) Du Qinglin Liu Yandong Party Secretary of the TAR Zhang Qingli Zhang Qingli Director of the State Administration of Religious Affairs Ye Xiaowen Ye Xiaowen Minister of Finance Xie Xuren Jin Renqing Director of the Development and Reform Commission Zhang Ping Ma Kai Commander of the PAP Wu Shuangzhan n/a Party Secretary of Anhui; former TAR Party Secretary ? Guo Jinlong * Source: ‘Two CPC Decision-making Groups Involving Tibet, Xinjiang Made Public,’ Sing Tao Jih Pao, April 18, 2007. † Source: Information Center for Human Rights and Democratic Movements in China, May 27, 2008. While known members of the working group all appear to be included based on their current positions, there is a possible exception to that rule with the presence of Guo Jinlong, as reported in the Tsinghua article in April 2007. If the report is accurate, Guo would have served on the working group when he was Party Secretary of Anhui province, although he had served as Party Secretary of the TAR from 2000 to 2004. However, Guo was made Mayor of Beijing in 2007, as well as Executive President of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games (BOCOG), and it is not known whether he therefore still serves on the working group. Other members of this critical group not profiled elsewhere in this report are briefly profiled below. Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Jia Qinglin Jia Qinglin reportedly chairs the Central Tibet Work Coordination Working Group. As well as being on the Standing Committee of the Politburo — making him one of the 108
INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN FOR TIBET nine most senior politicians in the PRC — his main Party position is Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), an advisory body to China’s national legislature, and a position which has earned him the informal title “China’s top political advisor” in China’s English-language press. Jia appears to have had a limited public role on Tibet during and after the protests, restricting his comments to very broad generalizations about Tibet’s status within the PRC and about the need for CPPCC members to “give full expression to their superiority” in their work on Tibet. 24 Chairman of the CPPCC, Jia Qinglin Jia Qinglin led a delegation of central government figures to Lhasa in 2005 to participate in official celebrations to mark the 40th anniversary of the founding of the TAR, but otherwise there is little apparent evidence that he has spent much time in Tibet, despite being chairman of working group. Jia has publicly commented on the need to protect Tibetan culture, and on the positive role that religions in the PRC have to play in society as a whole. However, according to Jia, religion’s acceptable role is to “promote social harmony”, in other words, to conform to the Party’s dictats. The implicit understanding is for religion to support and play a secondary role to Party and government attempts to create a “harmonious society.” 25 Similarly, while Jia has spoken of the “long-term historic task” to protect Tibetan culture, that task is primarily assigned to the Party and government, rather than to the people of Tibet themselves. 26 Commander of the People’s Armed Police, Wu Shuangzhan Perhaps the most notable change to the personnel of the Central Tibet Work Coordination Working Group has been the reported addition of the Commander of the People’s Armed Police (PAP), Wu Shuangzhan. His addition, apparently the first time the PAP has been represented on the working group, strongly suggests that hardened, militarized security considerations beyond those already taken by ordinary police in Tibet are to be an even more prominent feature of future policy work on Tibet — most likely a direct response to this most recent wave of protests. Prior to his inclusion in the working group and indeed, prior to the protests in March 109
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