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TIBET AT A TURNING POINT: THE SPRING UPRISING AND CHINA’S NEW CRACKDOWN Chinese troops in the Tibetan Barkhor area of Lhasa on March 10, the 49th anniversary of the Lhasa Uprising. The authorities had carried out a number of pre-emptive detentions prior to this sensitive political anniversary, but were clearly unprepared for the protests and riot that followed. 92
INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN FOR TIBET ‘SMASHING THE SPLITTIST CLIQUE’: AN ANALYSIS OF LEADERSHIP INVOLVED IN THE CRACKDOWN THE PROTESTS AGAINST CHINESE RULE that broke out in Tibet in March 2008 put the Chinese government and its administration of Tibet under some of the most intense scrutiny it has had to face in decades. However, little is reliably known about which individuals and institutions in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) are ultimately responsible for formulating and implementing government policy in Tibet. Instead, China’s complex and factionalized power structures are almost entirely opaque on the question of Tibet, and the relevant government and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials remain entirely unaccountable to the Tibetan people themselves. This is partly because of the strong hold of the military over Tibet, and the latent power struggle between military and civilian elites, which is a perennial feature of PRC politics. Beijing’s official explanation for the protests in March 2008 and beyond is that they were planned by the “Dalai clique” and “hostile anti-China forces” abroad, and carried out with the intention of “splitting China” by people in Tibet who had been “fooled” by the Dalai Lama, in particular a “tiny minority” of monks who are described as “the scum of Buddhism” and the “loyal running dogs of the Dalai clique”. The Chinese leadership’s refusal to publicly consider the possibility that the unrest in Tibet could be due to broad dissatisfaction among Tibetans — or even to concede that the unrest has its roots in Tibet itself — has not enhanced its credibility with Western and some other Asian governments. Indeed, the calls from foreign governments urging China’s leadership to enter into substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama on Tibet’s future is at least a partial acknowledgment by Western leaders of the shortcomings and failings of China’s policies in Tibet, as well as an implicit acknowledgment of the Dalai Lama as the pre-eminent representative of the Tibetan people. Within China, the concept that the Tibet issue is merely an ‘internal affair’ has been profoundly challenged, both among Chinese intellectuals and governments worldwide — particularly given Hu Jintao’s public emphasis on projecting the image of China’s ‘peaceful rise’ and its ‘harmonious society’. While there is clearly serious debate behind closed doors, and some speculation that 93
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The International Campaign for Tibe
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