OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN ... - Bilkent University

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crowns; a goal which could not be realized due to a dead-born heir. 38 Thus, while explaining the decision-making process, Spain cannot be considered a single unit; our model will be a dual one, at least in this period and while explaining the decision- making process and the set of preferences behind it. Isabella as was explicit in her testament had always been favourable to the idea of a crusade. 39 It was not surprising that the later champion of the North African expeditions, Cardinal Jiménez was her confessor. On the other hand, Fernando rejected the idea of a further Reconquista since this would not suit his policy. He was not so much eager to jeopardize the maritime trade on which the richness of Aragon traders was built. He had several times tried to restrict the Aragonese piracy in the Western Mediterranean; a fact that shows his attention for a peaceful trade. 40 Furthermore, even had they wanted so, he would not have been able to do so with popular support and thus parliamentary-approved funding. Moreover, the realization of such a project would be harder a few years later when the Italian wars had recommenced. Secondly, the decision-making process in this period cannot be depicted as consistent. The resources of a state in the 16 th century could hardly meet the requirements set forth by the international politics. Thus, a choice had to be made between different war fronts. At the dawn of the geographical explorations and in the middle of complex balance of power politics whose theatre was the disunited Italy, both kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula had to reshape their preferences frequently. Hence, international balance of power should also be taken into account. Three years after 1492, 38 Brandi, pp. 59-60. 39 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 35. 40 Godfrey Fisher, Barbary Legend: War, Trade and Piracy in North Africa, 1415-1830 (Westport, 1957), p. 30. 21
Fernando was dragged into European politics; the invasions of Italy by French kings Charles VIII and Louis XII had triggered an international war whose actors were Aragon, Papal States, France, Naples, Holy Roman Empire, Venice, Milan, Florence and other small duchies and city states of Italy. Meanwhile, Castile was busy with the re-organization of its kingdom. The end of the Muslim rule and the discovery of the new world coincided in the same year and both required attention. Furthermore, Isabella died in 1504, leaving her kingdom in disarray as a result of the struggle for power between Philip of Habsburg and Fernando. With the death of the former, Fernando gained the upper hand in the administration of the kingdom; however, still the existence of the aristocrats should not be discarded. As for the Ottoman Empire, during this period, it was not an actor in this struggle. Bayezid II had always been a pacifist ruler when compared with his predecessor Mehmet II and successors Selim the Grim and Süleyman the Magnificent. At the first one and a half decade of Bayezid II’s rule his European policy was shadowed by the fact that his brother and the contender for the Ottoman throne, Djem Sultan (d. 1495) was a prisoner in Europe. 41 His existence has always been leverage in the negotiations between the European powers. 42 Since there is no law other than the “God’s will” regulating the dynastic inheritance in the Ottoman Empire, his pretensions for the crown were as legal as those of his rival. 43 Fortunately for the Ottomans at a time 41 For a monograph on the issue, see Nicolas Vatin, Sultan Djem: un prince Ottoman dans l'Europe du xv. siecle d'apres deux sources contemporaines:Vâkı'ât-ı Sultân Cem, Oeuvres de Guillaume Caoursin (Ankara, 1997). 42 See Halil İnalcık, “A Case Study in Renaissance Diplomacy: The Agreement Between Innocente VIII and Bayezid II on Djem Sultan”, Journal of Turkish Studies, 3 (1979-80), pp. 209-230; Halil İnalcık, “Djem”, EI 2 . 43 In the Turkish tradition, there was not a law regulating the matter of inheritance. According to this, when a ruler was deceased, each of his descendants have the right to claim for the throne since the crown would be granted by the God. Thus, the civil war was justifiable and the outcome of the war was accepted 22
Page 1: OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN MED
Page 4 and 5: I certify that I have read this the
Page 6 and 7: Western Mediterranean and of the Ca
Page 8 and 9: hükümdarının bu artan öneme g
Page 10 and 11: they should be hailed as well. I al
Page 12 and 13: 2.5 Redefined Foreign Policies…
Page 14 and 15: INTRODUCTION The Rise of a New Worl
Page 16 and 17: East Carolingian kingdoms. It would
Page 18 and 19: Habsburg axis; however, their son J
Page 20 and 21: The imperial crown was theoreticall
Page 22 and 23: unit succeeded to preserve its auto
Page 24 and 25: Christianity, his personal ardour f
Page 26 and 27: though lesser in number, Portugal w
Page 28 and 29: camps and the struggle was mostly c
Page 30 and 31: etween the two most powerful Cathol
Page 32 and 33: since”. 33 That was the reason wh
Page 36 and 37: when Charles VIII was planning a cr
Page 38 and 39: Muslim population, these efforts wo
Page 40 and 41: that of the landlords who were defe
Page 42 and 43: people and the extreme deeds had pr
Page 44 and 45: on the battlefield. Moreover, the e
Page 46 and 47: streams. Finally mountains rise ste
Page 48 and 49: In North Africa, Spanish operations
Page 50 and 51: etween the Genoese corsairs and the
Page 52 and 53: Surprisingly enough, the expedition
Page 54 and 55: Pedro Navarro, now the sole command
Page 56 and 57: north and Aragonese in the south. B
Page 58 and 59: the imperial crown in the Ottoman E
Page 60 and 61: Soucek added to this theory is the
Page 62 and 63: hand, the inner castle resisted. Wh
Page 64 and 65: Therefore, corsairs appear as the h
Page 66 and 67: the range of the Spanish artillery
Page 68 and 69: quasi-kingdom in the area where the
Page 70 and 71: over the rule. Until his arrival, i
Page 72 and 73: only failed in bringing sufficient
Page 74 and 75: landed, the situation was far diffe
Page 76 and 77: Oruç succeeded in capturing Tlemse
Page 78 and 79: command of Martin de Argote. This f
Page 80 and 81: Captain General of the Maritime Arm
Page 82 and 83: from Syria to Egypt. It was a quick
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In North Africa, where the social c
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court and the local nobility expect
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Hungarian campaign of 1526. 228 Fin
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century: 2.5.2. Ottoman’s foreign
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ascension to the throne. 235 The gl
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decisive extent. 245 The situation
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esieged by the French army. The rea
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unnoticed in other sources. In one
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With these new allies, he increased
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help was written down in details. I
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dominions. 284 This would help the
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creating serious problems for Habsb
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the fortress 289 ; and with that vi
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3.3. Ottoman Habsburg rivalry: 1529
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In 1533, Ferdinand’s envoy in Con
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According to Brandi, this cooperati
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“stupidity”. 323 This defeat al
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Nikomedia. 337 Naval power played a
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It was not the first time that the
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Kulaksız, who was the Captain of M
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Khayr al-Din spent the winter of 15
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the corsair under the name of the O
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Charles was relying on local elemen
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while 10 from Sicily under the comm
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cavalry abandoned the cause. Hence,
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wish to risk their lives to leave t
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when the imperials could present a
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Surely, corsairs did not consent to
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Doria decided that the time had com
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marching. In front of the right win
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the olive groves; however, “inexp
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other clauses of secondary importan
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Mediterranean.” 490 Furthermore,
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“Yo navegué ocho veces por el Me
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from French side to that of imperia
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over the city, he would be able to
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of the task of coastal defence. 50
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contribution of the corsair to the
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valid, the Emperor would need him.
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as immediate as that of the Ottoman
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Sanuto, Marino, I Diarii, 58 vols.,
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and Erol Kılıç (İstanbul, 1990)
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Kumrular, Özlem, Las Relaciones en
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200 Veinstein, Gilles, “Süleyman
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APPENDIX B Source: Belenguer, Ernes
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APPENDIX D Ferdinand von Habsburg 1
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APPENDIX F Tiziano, Portrait of Cha
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APPENDIX H Jean Clouet Porträt des
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