OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN ... - Bilkent University

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Muslim population, these efforts would be proven useless. When in Castile, Archbishop of Toledo, future Cardinal and Grand Inquisitor, Jiménez de Cisneros decided to accelerate the conversion process, his acts contrary to the treaty in effect created problems. Against the advice of Hernando de Talavera, archbishop of Granada who wanted to convert the Moriscos of Granada slowly by education, Jiménez introduced forced mass conversions. The Moriscos, although now nominally Christians, were neither willing to be assimilated by the Christian Spaniards nor were they accepted as equals by the latter. Jiménez’ intervention was the direct cause of a Morisco revolt in 1499–1500, and he was largely responsible for making the Morisco problem insoluble. The punishment of the insurgence was the annulment of the 1492 treaty in 1501, thanks to the efforts of Jiménez. It was now obligatory for all Muslims to convert to Christianity and leave their customs and traditions. The edict that was originally promulgated by the Kingdom of Granada was introduced in the Kingdom of Castile a year later. Muslims of Aragon would face the same fate; yet a little later. The diverse nature of the population in this kingdom facilitated a co-existence of these two religions and thus such an experience was not as new as it was in Castile. Yet, in the revolt of Valencian Hermandad in 1520, rebels enforced the forced conversion of Muslims. In 1525, Moriscos of Valencia had also rebelled. Following their suppression, an edict extending the forced conversion to the kingdom of Aragon was also promulgated in 1526. The overt Muslim existence in the Peninsula was over, even though it would exist covertly until the seventeenth century, when Moriscos were finally exiled in 1609. However, Muslims had already started to migrate to the North Africa as early as 1493. Nevertheless, a natural consequence of the annulment of the policy of tolerance 25
was the acceleration of this migration. Even though the number of these immigrants has always been speculated, Fisher indicates that in no document a number has been spelled. 47 These immigrants constituted the major part of what later would become a serious trouble for the Iberian coasts basically for two reasons. First of all, they were forced to leave their homeland and the result of migration was not necessarily satisfactory. Naturally, their co-religionists welcomed them; nonetheless they could not offer sufficient economic means for the well-being of the newcomers since a mass migration in the 16 th century would result in severe socio-economic problems. Secondly, they were suitable to operate in a corsair ship because of their knowledge of the coasts and the area. They were also skilled in naval construction to the extent that Pfeffermann notes that after their departure, this industry in Cataluña totally collapsed. 48 At this point, Lane Poole adds a possible third cause, the “exile’s vengeance”. 49 The indigenous Muslim population that still resided in Spain also supported the Muslim corsairs and was later considered a “fifth column” 50 for the Ottoman Empire. Naturally as a result of the intolerant policies of Jiménez, the remaining Muslim dwellers constituted a dissident social group. The edicts for the forced conversion could never fully be enforced; Moriscos always remained what they were. Their nominal Christendom was nothing but a chimera; they retained their culture, tradition and religion. 51 However, this de facto situation had always been considered temporal for the Spanish bureaucracy, who found itself in the middle of the pressure of the Church and 47 Fisher, p. 34. 48 Pfeffermann, Rönesans Papalarının Türklerle İşbirliği, trans. Kemal Beydilli (İstanbul, 2003), p. 119. 49 Lane-Poole, p.8. 50 Hess, “The Moriscos”, pp. 5-6. 51 For the level of their acculturation see J. Maiso and R. Mario Blasco, “Aproximación al grado de aculturación de algunas comunidades moriscas en la fecha de la expulsion” in Religion, Identité et Sources Documentaires ser les Morisques Andolous, II, ed. Abdeljelil Temimi (Tunis, 1984), pp. 71-90. 26
Page 1: OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN MED
Page 4 and 5: I certify that I have read this the
Page 6 and 7: Western Mediterranean and of the Ca
Page 8 and 9: hükümdarının bu artan öneme g
Page 10 and 11: they should be hailed as well. I al
Page 12 and 13: 2.5 Redefined Foreign Policies…
Page 14 and 15: INTRODUCTION The Rise of a New Worl
Page 16 and 17: East Carolingian kingdoms. It would
Page 18 and 19: Habsburg axis; however, their son J
Page 20 and 21: The imperial crown was theoreticall
Page 22 and 23: unit succeeded to preserve its auto
Page 24 and 25: Christianity, his personal ardour f
Page 26 and 27: though lesser in number, Portugal w
Page 28 and 29: camps and the struggle was mostly c
Page 30 and 31: etween the two most powerful Cathol
Page 32 and 33: since”. 33 That was the reason wh
Page 34 and 35: crowns; a goal which could not be r
Page 36 and 37: when Charles VIII was planning a cr
Page 40 and 41: that of the landlords who were defe
Page 42 and 43: people and the extreme deeds had pr
Page 44 and 45: on the battlefield. Moreover, the e
Page 46 and 47: streams. Finally mountains rise ste
Page 48 and 49: In North Africa, Spanish operations
Page 50 and 51: etween the Genoese corsairs and the
Page 52 and 53: Surprisingly enough, the expedition
Page 54 and 55: Pedro Navarro, now the sole command
Page 56 and 57: north and Aragonese in the south. B
Page 58 and 59: the imperial crown in the Ottoman E
Page 60 and 61: Soucek added to this theory is the
Page 62 and 63: hand, the inner castle resisted. Wh
Page 64 and 65: Therefore, corsairs appear as the h
Page 66 and 67: the range of the Spanish artillery
Page 68 and 69: quasi-kingdom in the area where the
Page 70 and 71: over the rule. Until his arrival, i
Page 72 and 73: only failed in bringing sufficient
Page 74 and 75: landed, the situation was far diffe
Page 76 and 77: Oruç succeeded in capturing Tlemse
Page 78 and 79: command of Martin de Argote. This f
Page 80 and 81: Captain General of the Maritime Arm
Page 82 and 83: from Syria to Egypt. It was a quick
Page 84 and 85: In North Africa, where the social c
Page 86 and 87: court and the local nobility expect
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Hungarian campaign of 1526. 228 Fin
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century: 2.5.2. Ottoman’s foreign
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ascension to the throne. 235 The gl
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decisive extent. 245 The situation
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esieged by the French army. The rea
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unnoticed in other sources. In one
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With these new allies, he increased
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help was written down in details. I
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dominions. 284 This would help the
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creating serious problems for Habsb
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the fortress 289 ; and with that vi
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3.3. Ottoman Habsburg rivalry: 1529
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In 1533, Ferdinand’s envoy in Con
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According to Brandi, this cooperati
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“stupidity”. 323 This defeat al
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Nikomedia. 337 Naval power played a
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It was not the first time that the
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Kulaksız, who was the Captain of M
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Khayr al-Din spent the winter of 15
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the corsair under the name of the O
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Charles was relying on local elemen
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while 10 from Sicily under the comm
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cavalry abandoned the cause. Hence,
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wish to risk their lives to leave t
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when the imperials could present a
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Surely, corsairs did not consent to
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Doria decided that the time had com
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marching. In front of the right win
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the olive groves; however, “inexp
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other clauses of secondary importan
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Mediterranean.” 490 Furthermore,
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“Yo navegué ocho veces por el Me
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from French side to that of imperia
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over the city, he would be able to
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of the task of coastal defence. 50
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contribution of the corsair to the
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valid, the Emperor would need him.
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as immediate as that of the Ottoman
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Sanuto, Marino, I Diarii, 58 vols.,
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and Erol Kılıç (İstanbul, 1990)
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Kumrular, Özlem, Las Relaciones en
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200 Veinstein, Gilles, “Süleyman
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APPENDIX B Source: Belenguer, Ernes
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APPENDIX D Ferdinand von Habsburg 1
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APPENDIX F Tiziano, Portrait of Cha
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APPENDIX H Jean Clouet Porträt des
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