OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN ... - Bilkent University

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that of the landlords who were defending mild policies since their lands were mostly cultivated by Moriscos. Moreover, Spanish bureaucracy had always feared a possible cooperation between the Muslims and Moriscos and such fear was by no means unrealistic. 52 From the beginning of the Muslim invasion in the seventh century, there had always been close connections between Al-Andalus and Maghrib; and Muslims, being aware of the problems of the vigilance of coastal line, did not hesitate to cooperate with their co-religionist. The fall of Granada did not rule out the possibility of another Muslim invasion of the Peninsula since North African support proved effective twice in the past. 53 This inflow of Moriscos, eager and suitable for recruitment, changed the face of the struggle in the Western Mediterranean. It had always been difficult to differentiate war, trade and piracy in the region. 54 Yet, in the previous centuries, a certain level of co- existence and mildness could be observed. After all, Spain and the rest of Barbary could be considered a single unit for practical purposes of sea traffic. 55 Braudel indicates the noteworthy presence of Christian merchants in important trade centres of North Africa. 56 It is true that piracy existed, yet they were not state-sponsored. Hence they were pirates instead of corsairs 57 whose effect also cannot be matched with that of the latter. 58 In Western Mediterranean, cooperation was vital for economic purposes. European 52 For details see Francisco Marquez Villanueva, “El Mito de la Gran Conspiración Morisca” in Religion, Identité et Sources Documentaires ser les Morisques Andolous, II, ed. Abdeljelil Temimi (Tunis, 1984), pp. 267-84. 53 Hess, “The Moriscos”, pp. 1-2. 54 Fisher, p. 24. 55 Fisher, p. 25. 56 Fernand Braudel, La Méditerranée et le Monde Méditerranéen à l’epoque de Philippe II (Paris, 1966), I, p. 425. 57 Braudel differentiates these two notions. Braudel, II, p. 191. 58 Lane-Poole, p.25 indicates that acts of Christian piracy which was more effective until the fifteenth century had always been repudiated by the Italian governments to the extent that they executed their own citizens. 27
industries were in constant need of furs and raw materials while on the other hand North Africans were eager to have the products of these industries. This ongoing economic cooperation resulted in several treaties and the “fairness, moderation and probity of African princes”. In Tunis and Ceuta, Italian city-states had already established their consulates in the 13 th century, and furthermore, the existence of a private church for the Christians in Tunis as late as 1530 provides the air of tolerance in the region. 59 Nevertheless, with the approach of the sixteenth century, a polarization had commenced. According to Fisher, while in 1485 peace prevails in the Western Mediterranean and the merchant ships were the major power, a drastic change occurred as early as 1487: The conquest and the consequent exile of the people of Malaga and the establishment of the Inquisition in the region. “The civilised practices of war and the laws of humanity were severely shaken.” 60 The clouds of intolerance were darkened day-by-day especially after 1492 with the migration of the Moriscos, the primary victims of intolerance. The policy of tolerance was revoked with the annulment of the 1492 treaty; however this was not the only consequence. Realizing the danger, Fernando started to pay attention to the issue. In Castile, the situation was always favourable. Not only the aristocracy, but also Isabella herself was willing the extirpation of Islam in North Africa as was explicit in her political will. 61 Furthermore, the revolt of the Moriscos has been considered an alarming situation in Valencia and Andalusia where their number was considerable. 62 It was a result of the efforts of conversion. Church was trying to convert 59 Lane-Poole, pp. 22-23. 60 Fisher, pp. 28-29. 61 Hess, The Forgotten Frontier, p. 35. 62 Fisher, p. 33. 28
Page 1: OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN MED
Page 4 and 5: I certify that I have read this the
Page 6 and 7: Western Mediterranean and of the Ca
Page 8 and 9: hükümdarının bu artan öneme g
Page 10 and 11: they should be hailed as well. I al
Page 12 and 13: 2.5 Redefined Foreign Policies…
Page 14 and 15: INTRODUCTION The Rise of a New Worl
Page 16 and 17: East Carolingian kingdoms. It would
Page 18 and 19: Habsburg axis; however, their son J
Page 20 and 21: The imperial crown was theoreticall
Page 22 and 23: unit succeeded to preserve its auto
Page 24 and 25: Christianity, his personal ardour f
Page 26 and 27: though lesser in number, Portugal w
Page 28 and 29: camps and the struggle was mostly c
Page 30 and 31: etween the two most powerful Cathol
Page 32 and 33: since”. 33 That was the reason wh
Page 34 and 35: crowns; a goal which could not be r
Page 36 and 37: when Charles VIII was planning a cr
Page 38 and 39: Muslim population, these efforts wo
Page 42 and 43: people and the extreme deeds had pr
Page 44 and 45: on the battlefield. Moreover, the e
Page 46 and 47: streams. Finally mountains rise ste
Page 48 and 49: In North Africa, Spanish operations
Page 50 and 51: etween the Genoese corsairs and the
Page 52 and 53: Surprisingly enough, the expedition
Page 54 and 55: Pedro Navarro, now the sole command
Page 56 and 57: north and Aragonese in the south. B
Page 58 and 59: the imperial crown in the Ottoman E
Page 60 and 61: Soucek added to this theory is the
Page 62 and 63: hand, the inner castle resisted. Wh
Page 64 and 65: Therefore, corsairs appear as the h
Page 66 and 67: the range of the Spanish artillery
Page 68 and 69: quasi-kingdom in the area where the
Page 70 and 71: over the rule. Until his arrival, i
Page 72 and 73: only failed in bringing sufficient
Page 74 and 75: landed, the situation was far diffe
Page 76 and 77: Oruç succeeded in capturing Tlemse
Page 78 and 79: command of Martin de Argote. This f
Page 80 and 81: Captain General of the Maritime Arm
Page 82 and 83: from Syria to Egypt. It was a quick
Page 84 and 85: In North Africa, where the social c
Page 86 and 87: court and the local nobility expect
Page 88 and 89: Hungarian campaign of 1526. 228 Fin
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century: 2.5.2. Ottoman’s foreign
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ascension to the throne. 235 The gl
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decisive extent. 245 The situation
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esieged by the French army. The rea
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unnoticed in other sources. In one
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With these new allies, he increased
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help was written down in details. I
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dominions. 284 This would help the
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creating serious problems for Habsb
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the fortress 289 ; and with that vi
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3.3. Ottoman Habsburg rivalry: 1529
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In 1533, Ferdinand’s envoy in Con
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According to Brandi, this cooperati
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“stupidity”. 323 This defeat al
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Nikomedia. 337 Naval power played a
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It was not the first time that the
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Kulaksız, who was the Captain of M
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Khayr al-Din spent the winter of 15
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the corsair under the name of the O
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Charles was relying on local elemen
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while 10 from Sicily under the comm
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cavalry abandoned the cause. Hence,
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wish to risk their lives to leave t
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when the imperials could present a
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Surely, corsairs did not consent to
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Doria decided that the time had com
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marching. In front of the right win
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the olive groves; however, “inexp
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other clauses of secondary importan
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Mediterranean.” 490 Furthermore,
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“Yo navegué ocho veces por el Me
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from French side to that of imperia
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over the city, he would be able to
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of the task of coastal defence. 50
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contribution of the corsair to the
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valid, the Emperor would need him.
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as immediate as that of the Ottoman
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Sanuto, Marino, I Diarii, 58 vols.,
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and Erol Kılıç (İstanbul, 1990)
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Kumrular, Özlem, Las Relaciones en
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200 Veinstein, Gilles, “Süleyman
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APPENDIX B Source: Belenguer, Ernes
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APPENDIX D Ferdinand von Habsburg 1
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APPENDIX F Tiziano, Portrait of Cha
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APPENDIX H Jean Clouet Porträt des
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OTTOMAN CORSAIRS IN THE WESTERN ... - Bilkent University

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