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Handbook on Contemporary Austrian Economics

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Without private property, there can be no rati<strong>on</strong>al calculati<strong>on</strong> 81<br />

over; such behaviors increased the enforcement costs of privatizati<strong>on</strong> and<br />

lowered overall welfare for the reforming ec<strong>on</strong>omies.<br />

The new governments' desires to create equity am<strong>on</strong>g their citizens often<br />

overrode c<strong>on</strong>cerns with ec<strong>on</strong>omic efficiency. Since the main objectives of<br />

privatizati<strong>on</strong> programs were to disperse the benefits of privatizati<strong>on</strong> to all<br />

citizens, create a middle class, and "buy" the public's support for privatizati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

many governments attempted to "democratize" ownership by giving<br />

all citizens stakes in the old state-owned resources. Privatizati<strong>on</strong> in practice,<br />

however, did not usually produce the ideal results for which the reformers<br />

hoped; the programs proved cumbersome, and the resources were difficult<br />

to value initially. As a result, voucher programs with well-intenti<strong>on</strong>ed aims<br />

ended up benefiting a small minority of influential shareholders.<br />

These unexpectedly poor outcomes were often due to the fact that many<br />

of the assets being privatized were not worth nearly as much as the reformers<br />

thought they were worth. For example, some state-run firms had little<br />

positive value and should have been shut down instead of privatized. The<br />

mixed track record of post-communist privatizati<strong>on</strong> is largely a result of<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omists basing policies <strong>on</strong> a flawed neoclassical model of ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

behavior. The reformers lacked the necessary informati<strong>on</strong> to properly<br />

value and sell off property that was formerly c<strong>on</strong>trolled by the state, so<br />

their privatizati<strong>on</strong> schemes failed to attain the level of success the reformers<br />

hoped for. Peter Boettke ([1994] 2001 , p. 192) explains the problem as<br />

follows:<br />

The problem with the c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al privatizati<strong>on</strong> package, however, is that <strong>on</strong>e<br />

cannot value assets without a market, but a reliable market cannot exist without<br />

private property. The whole point of the privatizati<strong>on</strong> schemes of vouchers or<br />

public aucti<strong>on</strong> is to create private ownership. But how is the value of assets to<br />

be determined without a market in the first place In other words, a voucher<br />

program is predicated <strong>on</strong> the ability to value assets, even though the whole<br />

point of the exercise is to create markets that will enable participants to assess<br />

the value of assets. If valuati<strong>on</strong> could take place independent of the private<br />

property c<strong>on</strong>text, then privatizati<strong>on</strong> would be redundant and unnecessary.<br />

6.3 Sp<strong>on</strong>taneous privatizati<strong>on</strong><br />

The <strong>Austrian</strong> approach to privatizati<strong>on</strong>, in c<strong>on</strong>trast to the neoclassical<br />

model, emphasizes the subjective and c<strong>on</strong>textual nature of property rights.<br />

<strong>Austrian</strong> ec<strong>on</strong>omists want the government removed from the reform<br />

process. When the government takes a laissez faire approach to privatizati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

each industry can find its own way towards the market, free from<br />

central directi<strong>on</strong>. In many industries, the de facto owners become the<br />

new stakeholders. While sp<strong>on</strong>taneous privatizati<strong>on</strong> might create inherent<br />

biases, it does a better job of putting local knowledge to work because the

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