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Handbook on Contemporary Austrian Economics

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Ec<strong>on</strong>omic value and costs are subjective 49<br />

surveys. Surveys are even more problematic because they require people<br />

to c<strong>on</strong>sider their demand in situati<strong>on</strong>s they have never been in. Boudreaux<br />

et al. (1999, p. 791) write:<br />

Asking people to reck<strong>on</strong> their demand curves for all goods, services, and<br />

amenities under a welter of different c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s is to ask the impossible. The<br />

impossibility of mapping a full schedule of preferences for every given survey<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>dent means that, by necessity, a certain number of alternatives must be<br />

excluded from the menu of opti<strong>on</strong>s over which a pers<strong>on</strong> can hypothetically<br />

spend his or her m<strong>on</strong>ey.<br />

To these ec<strong>on</strong>omists, it makes little sense to talk about how much people<br />

value something independent of them being in a specific situati<strong>on</strong> where<br />

they have to make their choice. How much people value things will always<br />

be c<strong>on</strong>tingent <strong>on</strong> their time and place.<br />

If <strong>on</strong>e adopts this positi<strong>on</strong>, can ec<strong>on</strong>omists say anything about people's<br />

preferences Rothbard argues that ec<strong>on</strong>omists cannot say that an individual<br />

values a good in all circumstances; the <strong>on</strong>ly thing ec<strong>on</strong>omists can say<br />

is that an individual c<strong>on</strong>sidered a good valuable in a specific situati<strong>on</strong>. By<br />

observing some<strong>on</strong>e making a choice, Rothbard says that ec<strong>on</strong>omists can<br />

deduce that the pers<strong>on</strong> preferred his choice ex ante at that time. Rothbard<br />

(1956, p. 225) writes, "[A]ctual choice reveals, or dem<strong>on</strong>strates, a man's<br />

preference; that is, that his preferences are deducible from what he has<br />

chosen in acti<strong>on</strong>." When some<strong>on</strong>e purchases a beer rather than a glass of<br />

wine we can say that the pers<strong>on</strong> preferred the beer to the wine at that time,<br />

but we cannot say that beer is always preferred to wine.<br />

The implicati<strong>on</strong> of this aspect of ec<strong>on</strong>omic subjectivism is that ec<strong>on</strong>omists<br />

cannot go around telling governments what people really want.<br />

Preferences not <strong>on</strong>ly differ between individuals but people's preferences<br />

differ over time. When governments make choices for people rather than<br />

letting the individuals make their own choices, they are assuming that they<br />

can know what individuals really want independent of the market process.<br />

But according to Hayek, ~he outcome of the market process cannot be<br />

known ahead of time. Hayek ([1968] 2002, p. 9) says that we should<br />

"c<strong>on</strong>sider competiti<strong>on</strong> systematically as a procedure for discovering facts<br />

which, if the procedure did not exist, would remain unknown."<br />

4.5 Questi<strong>on</strong> 4: Can we measure an individual's utility<br />

The next area of subjectivism where not all ec<strong>on</strong>omists agree is whether<br />

subjective utility is measurable. Some ec<strong>on</strong>omists believe that individuals<br />

value goods based <strong>on</strong> their subjective preferences, but also believe<br />

that how much they value goods can be measured by external parties.<br />

The idea is that just as doctors observe heart rates using stethoscopes,

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