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Handbook on Contemporary Austrian Economics

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The facts of the social sciences are what people believe and think 35<br />

has spun." Like the social stock of knowledge, a people's culture c<strong>on</strong>tains<br />

interpretive schemes, relevance systems, skills, useful knowledge and<br />

recipes that members of the society can use to define and master situati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

As Geertz writes (ibid., p. 89), by culture we mean "an historically<br />

transmitted pattern of meanings ... a system of inherited c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong>s ... by<br />

means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge<br />

about and attitudes toward life." Culture is a frame of reference, a<br />

backdrop, a way of seeing the world and an ethical system in which certain<br />

beliefs, acti<strong>on</strong>s, outcomes are possible and permissible and others are not.<br />

To say that the facts of the social sciences are what people believe and<br />

think, is to c<strong>on</strong>cede that the social sciences must be preoccupied with<br />

culture. Although we cannot gain direct access to people's inner worlds,<br />

we can gain access to their cultural systems. As such, empirical work in the<br />

social sciences must resemble ethnographies and/or employ archival and<br />

oral history methods if social scientists are to learn the relevant facts.<br />

3.3 Learning the facts: ethnography and thick descripti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

What applied methods should complement a science of meaning If the<br />

facts of the social sciences are what people think and believe, then how<br />

are social scientists to go about learning the facts <strong>Austrian</strong> ec<strong>on</strong>omists<br />

have been reluctant to embrace quantitative empirical methods because<br />

they have doubts about the potential of statistical methods (al<strong>on</strong>e) to<br />

accomplish this task.<br />

Admittedly, there are some questi<strong>on</strong>s that can <strong>on</strong>ly be adequately<br />

explored by using quantitative measures and employing statistical<br />

methods. For instance, looking at whether or not there is a causal relati<strong>on</strong>ship<br />

between literacy and ec<strong>on</strong>omic prosperity is a questi<strong>on</strong> that begs<br />

for a quantitative examinati<strong>on</strong>. If, say, literacy rates and indicators of<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic well-being are correlated, then there is some reas<strong>on</strong>, albeit not a<br />

definitive reas<strong>on</strong>, to believe that a relati<strong>on</strong>ship does exist. If, <strong>on</strong> the other<br />

hand, these measures are not correlated, then there is some reas<strong>on</strong>, again<br />

not a definitive reas<strong>on</strong>, to believe that a relati<strong>on</strong>ship does not exist. The<br />

same rati<strong>on</strong>ale holds for utilizing more advanced statistical techniques like<br />

regressi<strong>on</strong> analysis, which reveals the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between <strong>on</strong>e variable<br />

and the other variables that are believed to "explain" it.<br />

There are several reas<strong>on</strong>s why discovering a quantitative relati<strong>on</strong>ship<br />

of this sort can never (by itself) allow us to be certain of a relati<strong>on</strong>ship<br />

between two phenomena. C<strong>on</strong>tinuing with the example above, it is possible<br />

that the measures that we used for literacy and ec<strong>on</strong>omic well-being<br />

are poor measures of the actual phenomena. If our measures are imperfect,<br />

then the meaning of any relati<strong>on</strong>ship between them is suspect. Moreover,<br />

even if our measures are perfect, the statistical relati<strong>on</strong>ship that we find

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