Handbook on Contemporary Austrian Economics
Handbook on Contemporary Austrian Economics
Handbook on Contemporary Austrian Economics
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Ec<strong>on</strong>omic value and costs are subjective 57<br />
making a choice even tells. The migrants' c<strong>on</strong>sumer surplus or psychic<br />
income associated with migrating might be very small compared with<br />
the extremely large c<strong>on</strong>sumer surplus or psychic income of those staying.<br />
Ec<strong>on</strong>omics is not just about adding up the numbers of people who make<br />
a choice. Following such a standard would imply that relative values of<br />
goods could be determined by voting, a view that is at odds with our most<br />
basic principles of ec<strong>on</strong>omic subjectivism.<br />
Another way that migrati<strong>on</strong> patterns might be used would be to look<br />
bey<strong>on</strong>d the number of Mexicans leaving versus staying, and instead<br />
compare the number of Mexicans migrating to the United States to the<br />
number of Americans migrating to Mexico. This eliminates the problem<br />
stemming from the fact that most Mexicans and most Americans stay in<br />
their native country. But this standard also has problems. Although an<br />
estimated 10 milli<strong>on</strong> Mexicans live in the United States, an estimated 1<br />
milli<strong>on</strong> Americans live in Mexico. Many of these 1 milli<strong>on</strong> Americans are<br />
very rich expatriates who could have chosen to live anywhere in the world,<br />
whereas many of the 10 milli<strong>on</strong> Mexicans living in the United States have<br />
much more limited means. Which group of migrants benefits from their<br />
move more Although the actual number of Americans preferring to move<br />
to Mexico is less than the number of Mexicans preferring to move to the<br />
United States, unless <strong>on</strong>e can measure the marginal utility gained by the 10<br />
milli<strong>on</strong> Mexicans moving to the United States and compare that with the<br />
marginal utility gained by the I milli<strong>on</strong> Americans moving to Mexico, the<br />
net migrati<strong>on</strong> patterns say little about total utility in a country. Coming<br />
to such a c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> would be akin to saying that the 3 milli<strong>on</strong> Ford c<strong>on</strong>sumers<br />
derive more utility from their purchase then the 300 000 Mercedes<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sumers. We can deduce that the 3 milli<strong>on</strong> Ford c<strong>on</strong>sumers preferred<br />
their choice to all others, and we can deduce that the 300 000 Mercedes<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sumers preferred their choice to all others, but we cannot say that the<br />
Ford c<strong>on</strong>sumers preferred their choice more than the Mercedes buyers<br />
preferred their choice. And it would be entirely err<strong>on</strong>eous to try to infer<br />
from the data that Ford is better that Mercedes. s<br />
4.10 Questi<strong>on</strong> 9: Can cost-benefit efficiency be a proxy for utility<br />
Measuring m<strong>on</strong>etary income or observing migrati<strong>on</strong> patterns cannot be<br />
used to make comparis<strong>on</strong>s about nati<strong>on</strong>al well-being because they do not<br />
capture important aspects of utility such as psychic income or c<strong>on</strong>sumer<br />
and producer surplus. The most popular way of taking c<strong>on</strong>sumer and<br />
producer surplus into account is by looking at societal-wide cost-benefit<br />
analysis. This c<strong>on</strong>struct, known as Kaldor-Hicks efficiency, cost-benefit<br />
efficiency, or simply ec<strong>on</strong>omic efficiency, takes into account a measure<br />
of c<strong>on</strong>sumer surplus and producer surplus calculated in dollar terms. By