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Chapter 1: Subjective Figures of the Crisis ... - Negri in English

Chapter 1: Subjective Figures of the Crisis ... - Negri in English

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afterthought. The encamped protesters—be<strong>in</strong>g toge<strong>the</strong>r,<br />

discuss<strong>in</strong>g, disagree<strong>in</strong>g, struggl<strong>in</strong>g—seem to have rediscovered a<br />

truth that Sp<strong>in</strong>oza foresaw: real security and <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong><br />

fear can be achieved only through <strong>the</strong> collective construction <strong>of</strong><br />

freedom.<br />

Constitute Yourself<br />

You don't represent me! i Que se vayan todos ! Such<br />

refusals <strong>of</strong> representation and representative governmental<br />

structures have been pronounced by millions dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> crisis <strong>of</strong><br />

neoliberalism at <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twenty-first century. One<br />

novelty <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se protests and <strong>the</strong>se refusals consists <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y immediately make clear that <strong>the</strong> crisis is not only<br />

economic, social, and political, but also constitutional.<br />

Representative structures and liberal governance regimes are all<br />

thrown <strong>in</strong>to question. The audacious conceptual leap made by<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory' and practice <strong>of</strong> parliamentary' representation (from<br />

<strong>the</strong> "will <strong>of</strong> all" to <strong>the</strong> "general will") has f<strong>in</strong>ally proven to be fatal,<br />

and even <strong>the</strong> new forms <strong>of</strong> governance pulled out as a safety net<br />

to catch <strong>the</strong> fall<strong>in</strong>g acrobat have proven too weak and frayed. It's<br />

<strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly hard for anyone to believe <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> resurrection and<br />

redemption <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> constitution. Ancien regime was once <strong>the</strong><br />

name for <strong>the</strong> rule <strong>of</strong> those <strong>in</strong> powdered wigs, but now <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>the</strong><br />

representative mach<strong>in</strong>e is an ancien regime! The republican<br />

constitutions have had <strong>the</strong>ir time, more than two centuries. Isn't<br />

that enough<br />

Political and constitutional debate has to be reopened. And<br />

<strong>the</strong> radical change demanded today is not only about content<br />

(from <strong>the</strong> private and <strong>the</strong> public to <strong>the</strong> common) but also about<br />

form. How can people associate closely toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> common<br />

and participate directly <strong>in</strong> democratic decision mak<strong>in</strong>g How can<br />

<strong>the</strong> multitude become pr<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> common<br />

<strong>in</strong> a way that re<strong>in</strong>vents and realizes democracv This is <strong>the</strong> task<br />

<strong>of</strong> a constituent process.<br />

When f<strong>in</strong>ancial debts have been transformed <strong>in</strong>to social<br />

bonds, when s<strong>in</strong>gularities <strong>in</strong>teract <strong>in</strong> productive networks, and<br />

when <strong>the</strong> desire for security is freed from fear, <strong>the</strong>n, from <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>version <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se three figures, subjectivities capable <strong>of</strong>

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