Chapter 1: Subjective Figures of the Crisis ... - Negri in English
Chapter 1: Subjective Figures of the Crisis ... - Negri in English
Chapter 1: Subjective Figures of the Crisis ... - Negri in English
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<strong>in</strong>capable today <strong>of</strong> launch<strong>in</strong>g an effective dynamic <strong>of</strong><br />
constitutional reform. The republican constitutions <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />
can no longer be reformed or redeemed. A new constituent<br />
process is needed to transform <strong>the</strong> constitutional order and social<br />
terra<strong>in</strong>. We see <strong>the</strong> foundation from which to <strong>in</strong>itiate such a<br />
process <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciples and truths constructed by <strong>the</strong><br />
movements. Although we are <strong>in</strong> no position to sketch even <strong>the</strong><br />
broad outl<strong>in</strong>es <strong>of</strong> this unknown terra<strong>in</strong>, based on what we have<br />
analyzed thus far we can dist<strong>in</strong>guish some <strong>of</strong> its characteristics.<br />
As a first approach, <strong>the</strong>n, let us preserve for explanatory'<br />
purposes <strong>the</strong> three traditional constitutional functionslegislative,<br />
executive, and judiciary'—and <strong>in</strong>vestigate how <strong>the</strong>y<br />
might be transformed by <strong>the</strong> new constituent pr<strong>in</strong>ciples.<br />
Legislative. A legislative power <strong>in</strong> a constituent process<br />
must be not an organ <strong>of</strong> representation but one that facilitates<br />
and fosters <strong>the</strong> participation <strong>of</strong> all <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> govern<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> social life<br />
and political decision mak<strong>in</strong>g. In fact, <strong>in</strong> many historical<br />
<strong>in</strong>stances as far back at least as <strong>the</strong> eighteenth century, legislative<br />
assemblies have successfully launched such constituent<br />
experiments. In <strong>the</strong>se moments, which have <strong>of</strong>ten been brief,<br />
politics was brought down to <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> social reality and<br />
reconfigured accord<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> expression <strong>of</strong> social needs and<br />
desires. In several contemporary' cases, too, such as some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Lat<strong>in</strong> American experiences we cited earlier, constituent<br />
assemblies have played an <strong>in</strong>novative role by br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g toge<strong>the</strong>r<br />
and giv<strong>in</strong>g expression to a range <strong>of</strong> social forces. The legislative<br />
face <strong>of</strong> a constituent power must reflect and embody <strong>the</strong><br />
multiplicity <strong>of</strong> social movements and social forces and <strong>the</strong>reby<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpret <strong>the</strong> plural ontology <strong>of</strong> politics.<br />
Federalism is thus a fundamental pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>of</strong> a constituent<br />
legislative power. By federal here we do not mean a central<br />
authority rul<strong>in</strong>g over smaller political units such as states or<br />
prov<strong>in</strong>ces. Instead we understand federal <strong>in</strong> a more basic sense<br />
as an open, extensive relation among diverse political forces<br />
spread across <strong>the</strong> social terra<strong>in</strong> and not subsumed under an<br />
abstract, centralized unity. The shape <strong>of</strong> federalist organization<br />
as we <strong>in</strong>tend it, <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r words, is not pyramidal but horizontal<br />
and extensive. Such a federalism fosters <strong>the</strong> plural and<br />
process-oriented dimensions <strong>of</strong> politics.