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Health systems in transition<br />

<strong>Latvia</strong><br />

that engaged in contracting with providers. However, these sickness funds<br />

were never financed through earmarked social insurance contributions; at all<br />

times throughout their short existence they received their finances from state<br />

budgetary sources. Although the change from tax financing to social insurance<br />

financing was discussed, it did not receive enough support and commitment<br />

among the reformers, and the idea was therefore abandoned.<br />

Moreover, it soon became evident that small decentralized sickness funds<br />

had a limited capability to meet efficiency requirements. The main risk areas<br />

were inpatient care and expensive diagnostic examinations. A solution was<br />

therefore sought in the successive merger of sickness funds, eventually resulting<br />

in a single centralized purchaser for the entire country, the SCHIA, with its five<br />

territorial branches (for more information on these developments see Section<br />

2.3 Decentralization and centralization).<br />

The other major reform activity in the area of financing involved the<br />

introduction of OOP payments in the form of patient fees for appointments with<br />

doctors providing statutory services (1996). Shortly afterward co-payments for<br />

specific services were introduced and in subsequent years user charges evolved<br />

into a fairly complex system of patient fees plus co-payments. This coincided<br />

with the development of VHI programmes, which were initially only sold to<br />

cover various combinations of user charges.<br />

According to data reported to the SCHIA (shown in Table 3.2), the main<br />

revenue source for the health care system in 2004 was general taxation at<br />

central and municipal levels, contributing approximately 75%. The second<br />

most significant source, with a contribution of more than 20%, was household<br />

OOP payments for health care in the form of formal user charges and VHI.<br />

Revenue was also contributed from additional charges, such as hotel facilities.<br />

Formal user charges, including OOP payments and payments in the form of<br />

VHI contributed 4.4% of the total revenue (VHI pays for 34% of user charges).<br />

Local governments have very limited financial resources from local government<br />

taxations through the levying of charges for supporting health care; however,<br />

as owners of health care institutions, they are interested in sustaining the<br />

attractiveness and competitiveness of local providers.<br />

However, these figures have to be interpreted with great caution. First,<br />

they do not refer to revenue for total health care, but represent those that are<br />

reported to the SCHIA. These figures therefore exclude the revenue share for<br />

the programmes that are financed through direct budgetary transfers. Second,<br />

the national data presented in Table 3.2 differ from WHO estimates presented<br />

in Table 3.1, Fig. 3.5 and Fig. 3.6, which show OOP payments to have been<br />

approximately 48% in 2004. It should be noted that private expenditure on<br />

<br />

It is estimated that approximately 96% of the total health budget is administered through the SCHIA, leaving<br />

only approximately 4% to be allocated through direct budgetary transfers.<br />

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