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Ensuring Strategic Stability in the Past and Present:

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located far away from densely populated areas, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir destruction would not entail numerouscasualties—be it direct casualties or collateral damage.At higher stages of escalation, still at <strong>the</strong> pre-nuclear stage, we could be talk<strong>in</strong>g about <strong>the</strong> destructionof similar civilian targets—such as <strong>in</strong>frastructural assets located relatively far away from largeurban areas—with <strong>the</strong> aim of m<strong>in</strong>imiz<strong>in</strong>g civilian casualties while br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g measurable economicdamage to <strong>the</strong> aggressor. (Nuclear power stations would be exempt from target<strong>in</strong>g at this phase,given that a strike on such a target may be deemed as a military action <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> use of nuclearmunitions.)Russia’s level of scientific <strong>and</strong> technological development allows us to have such means of prenucleardeterrence (sea-based, ground-based <strong>and</strong> air-based) <strong>and</strong> to develop <strong>the</strong>m <strong>in</strong> due course.Meanwhile, it should be borne <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d that <strong>the</strong> pre-nuclear deterrence system, even more that <strong>the</strong>nuclear deterrence system, depends on <strong>the</strong> development of <strong>the</strong> relevant <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong>frastructure,<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g reconnaissance, target assignment, <strong>and</strong> navigation, among o<strong>the</strong>r th<strong>in</strong>gs.This is <strong>the</strong> only way to ensure <strong>the</strong> selective destruction of <strong>the</strong> relevant targets. And <strong>the</strong> adversaryshould realize that pre-nuclear deterrence is not a bluff, but a real political-military tool <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>h<strong>and</strong>s of Russia’s leadership that is secured by all <strong>the</strong> necessary components.Nuclear deterrence, though important, is not a panacea guarantee<strong>in</strong>g Russia’s national security.It is impossible, even dangerous, to use it to parry or neutralize <strong>the</strong> entire spectrum of militarypoliticalthreats to Russia’s security. Excessive confidence <strong>in</strong> nuclear deterrence <strong>in</strong> national securitypolicy is detrimental <strong>and</strong> even dangerous for Russia. Nuclear power may only partially compensatefor Russia’s <strong>in</strong>feriority <strong>in</strong> economic <strong>and</strong> political assets, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> general-purpose militaryforces. Thus, <strong>in</strong> addition to o<strong>the</strong>r measures, nuclear deterrence must be underp<strong>in</strong>ned by efficientpre-nuclear deterrence. As Russian historian <strong>and</strong> ideologist of development of <strong>the</strong> Russian NavyPyotr Belavenets wrote at <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> 20th century, permanent “read<strong>in</strong>ess to attack <strong>the</strong>adversary’s territory would deter it from attack<strong>in</strong>g our l<strong>and</strong>s.” This unjustifiably forgotten authorrightly emphasized that this verity always was <strong>and</strong> always will be true.58<strong>Ensur<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>Strategic</strong> <strong>Stability</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Past</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Present</strong>: Theoretical <strong>and</strong> Applied Questions

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