Proper Names in the Light of Theoretical Onomastics

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132 Vincent Blanárropean names was substantially influenced by Christianity. As a resultof the spread of Christianity, the names of Biblical and Greek and Latinsaints began to permeate the old Greek, German, Slavic, Roman etc. anthroponymy.The productive Christian names were accommodated in anew environment and their naturalised forms further developed in accordancewith the rules of the local language. In the selection of a name fora baby, the older “mechanical” principle (Kohlheim 1981, 137 illustratesthe situation in German) was replaced by a new selective “connotational”principle, i. e. an individual selection from an existing inventory based onthe connotation with which the name of the saint was related. This connotationalprinciple can be regarded as an expression of the mentality of therespective society. The codification of the binary naming system, “ baptism”shifted towards the mechanical principle. However, the mechanicalprinciple is loosened, on the one hand, by the selective connotationalchoice of Christian name and especially by the mechanical adoption of ahusband’s name by a wife not only in unofficial naming but also in theadministrative and legal standards of official names. This resulted in differencesin some official anthroponymic systems, especially in the namingof married women. For example, Hungarian has four types of naming forfemale-bearers; in Finland, since 1986, five options have been permittedfor naming newly married couples and there are two alternatives for thenaming of babies. If the parents cannot agree on the surname of their child,the child gets the surname of his or her mother (Blanár 1996, 185 –187and elsewhere). In the more rigorous application of the wife’s surname,the emancipation of women in modern society is demonstrated.A relatively independent subsystem is represented by unofficial andsemi-official naming (so-called living names). While in official onymicsystems (in which the basic form is written) officially codified and standardisedforms of names are used, in unofficial systems, the basic form ofwhich is spoken, variable, often akin to dialect, forms of names are used.Living names are distinguished from the official naming by the stabilisationby a narrower social convention. More than twenty types of motivationalfeatures are used to construct a naming model. One living namecan consist of several naming models in which several motivational featuresare applied which is why the branch of living names has a relativelyrich set of naming models. Compare an example from Slovak (with modelvalues):
Proper Names In the Light of Theoretical Onomastics133Pavel Bročko (Rakovo) Paľo Bročké K + RM=PK + P Jirka Hoľík CH vInžiňierAlkohoľikCH zCH vThe established set of metalingual components which constitute the contentaspect of anthroponymic signs facilitates an insight into an internalstructure of microsystems and macro-systems of living personal names. Inalmost two thirds of the villages examined in Central Slovakia, the livingnames with a frequency of “1” constitute more than half of all namingtypes; these names are marginal. A high percentage of living names isusually concentrated around 7–10 naming types. These names have a centralposition in a given microsystem. In cartographic processing not onlynaming types and models are used but also their components. For example,central as well as marginal content models have their specific geographicalareas. The construction, development and functioning of unofficialnaming cannot be isolated from the official naming system but theirformation and further development have their own direction. In livingnames we have discovered some naming principles which are not knownto the official system (they are new laws of living names in deep structure),e. g. a person is named after his or her individual characteristic orindirectly, i. e. in relation to another, usually related person; the naming ofa member of a family can be motivated by a name of a courtyard; a nameof a mother-breeder can be the starting point for naming in a family. Similarfindings with regard to the naming of family members after the motherin the territory of Western Lemki were published by Wolnicz-Pawłowskaand by P. Čučka in Hutsul villages in the Transcarpathian region. Theclassification of extensive material and findings on the frequency and geographicaldistribution of content models of living personal names has createdthe conditions for a comparative socio-linguistic analysis of generalnaming principles of living names in related and unrelated languages(further detail: Blanár/Matejčík 1978 / 83; Blanár 1996).In contact situations, personal naming finds itself in various interferencerelations. These relations are manifested not only in the namingmotives in onymically relevant features but also in the naming principlesthemselves. Let us give an example of Slovak-Hungarian contacts. In theaccounting books of the yeoman mine court in Boca from 1588 –1602, we
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Page 40 and 41: 128 Vincent Blanárer) is familiar
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Page 64 and 65: 152 Vincent BlanárReferencesBeleň
Page 66 and 67: 154 Vincent BlanárDolník, Juraj,
Page 68 and 69: 156 Vincent BlanárPaikkala, Sirrka

Proper Names in the Light of Theoretical Onomastics

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