WSPA/APE ALLIANCERECIPES FOR SURVIVALAnd in both cases, restraining measures in response to declining stocks face:• resistance to change by those whose livelihood depends on harvesting or trade• cultural conservatism in consumption patterns despite evidence of declining stocks• difficulty in imposing top-down restraint (law en<strong>for</strong>cement)• lack of self-restraint because open access resource – the ‘tragedy of the commons’.3.1 Scale and distribution of the bushmeat crisisThere is evidence to show that the multi-million dollar bushmeat trade has nowsurpassed habitat loss as the greatest threat to tropical wildlife (Brashares et al, 2004;Bennett et al, 2002). In the Congo Basin, researchers estimate that up to five millionmetric tons of bushmeat is traded annually (Wilkie & Carpenter, 1999; Fa et al, 2002),representing the most immediate threat to the region’s wildlife over the next 5 – 25years (Wilkie & Carpenter, 1999; Robinson et al, 1999; BCTF, 2004b). By comparison,up to 0.15 million tons is traded in the Amazon Basin (Fa et al, 2002; Robinson &Red<strong>for</strong>d, 1991), with an estimated market value of $190.7 million. (Peres, 2000).Annual harvest rates in Sarawak reach 23,500 tons (Bennett, 2000); elsewhere in Asia,the scale of the problem is largelyunquantified, though local extinctionshave occurred (Kümpel, 2005).The commercial trade in bushmeatoccurs across almost all of tropicalAfrica, Asia and the Neotropics(Robinson & Bennett, 2000), but it ismost critical in the densely <strong>for</strong>estedregions of Central and West Africa.Here, the magnitude of hunting is sixtimes the sustainable rate (Bennett,2002). The Congo Basin is the world’ssecond largest rain<strong>for</strong>est, stretchingacross 10 countries and housingmore than half of Africa’s animalspecies. Uncontrolled bushmeathunting in this region there<strong>for</strong>ethreatens the health of a <strong>for</strong>estecosystem of planetary importance,both in terms of biodiversity and ofglobal climate stability.Until recently, bushmeat hunting in East and Southern Africa was thought of as asubsistence-motivated activity, carried out exclusively by rural families with a history oftraditional use, but commercial trade across the region is now of serious conservationTHE BROADER BUSHMEAT ISSUEconcern (Barnett, 2000; Born Free, 2004). At least 25% of meat in Nairobi butcheriesis bushmeat, sold under the auspices of domestic meat, and a further 19% is adomestic-bushmeat mix, suggesting mixing and cross-contamination during storageor transit (Born Free, 2004).Bushmeat is also a problem on a global scale, since a proportion of it (albeit low)enters international markets. It is not difficult to find bushmeat in Paris, Brussels,London and New York (Agnagna, 2002). Between 4,000 and 29,000 tons of illegalmeat enters the UK annually from non-EU countries, with more entering undetected(Kümpel, 2005). Much of this is meat of domestic animals; the proportion ofbushmeat is not known.Evidence shows that illegal wildlife trade in the UK operates through existing organisedcrimesmuggling routes. 50% of people prosecuted <strong>for</strong> wildlife trade have had previousconvictions <strong>for</strong> drugs and firearms (Cook et al, 2002). The UK has some of thestrongest CITES legislation in the EU, <strong>for</strong>tified by COTES (Control of Trade inEndangered Species) regulations. But offenders are rarely prosecuted, because HerMajesty’s Customs and Excise (HMCE) destroy all confiscated meat on the groundsof health risks, without first identifying the species (Kümpel, 2005). The proportionof meat from endangered species in UK imports has not, there<strong>for</strong>e, been quantified.Bushmeat imported into Europe is on the increase, indicating a need <strong>for</strong> strongercontrols at airports (CITES, 2004).3.2 The socio-economic importance of bushmeat3.2.1 Social significanceThe network of people involved in the bushmeat industry includes (locally) the ruralpoor, commercial poachers, traders, vendors (including restaurateurs), loggingcompanies, vehicle drivers (who ferry meat to urban centres) and local administrations,as well as (internationally) <strong>for</strong>eign businesses that consume tropical timber, governmentand non-governmental organisations.3.2.2 Food securityThe loss of wildlife threatens the livelihoods and food security of those who mostdepend on it as a staple or supplement to their diet (ABCG, 2004). Wildlife providesprotein <strong>for</strong> many poor rural families without land or access to agricultural markets.In several tropical countries, there is no replacement <strong>for</strong> bushmeat (Kaul et al, 2004).Surveys reveal that bushmeat represents 80% of all animal-based household proteinconsumed in Central Africa, and more in some regions (Draulans & Van Krunkelsven,2002; Pfeffer, 1996). Where crop-based agriculture is practiced, bushmeat hunting ofcrop-raiding species occurs in tandem to fulfil the twin imperatives of meeting proteinneeds and defending crops to maximise agricultural output <strong>for</strong> further economic gain.23WSPA/APE ALLIANCE22Below: WestAfrican monkey,smoked, on sale inLondon. The vendorwas successfullyprosecuted.© Ian Redmond
WSPA/APE ALLIANCERECIPES FOR SURVIVALThe Food and Agriculture Organization recommends an annual intake of 22kg of meatprotein per capita. In many areas, bushmeat consumption exceeds this (Barnett, 2000).With average Central Africans eating as much meat per capita as Americans but lackingthe abundant agricultural protein sources found in the US and Europe, a reduction inbushmeat hunting and consumption could <strong>for</strong>ce already malnourished people to furtherreduce their meat consumption (Barnett, 2000).Of 800 million people in developing countries, 200 million in Sub-Saharan Africa areundernourished (ABCG, 2004). In many African regions, agricultural productivity isdiminished by poor soils giving disappointing yields, land tenure security, high seasonalvariability and by prevalence of tsetse fly and trypanosomiasis, which kills livestock(Barnett, 2000, Stein & BCTF, 2001). Even in areas where livestock can be raisedsuccessfully, they are largely regarded as insurance commodities, relied on as a bufferduring periods of severe hardship. Domestic meat tends to be available only in rural orurban markets that are situated close to savannahs and ethnic groups with a traditionof pastoralism (Barnett, 2000). In Gabon, 38% of people are dependent on agriculturecompared with 60 – 70% in the Central African Republic (CAR) and Democratic Republicof Congo (DRC) (Fa et al, 2003).The current non-bushmeat protein sources are mainly starchy root vegetables such asmanioc or agricultural meat, seafood and fish. Some of this is available domesticallyand some imported (6% imported in DRC and 55% in Congo-Brazzaville (Congo-B)). Ingeneral, the food production in this region has not increased significantly in the past40 years; in Congo-B, it has decreased by 10% annually (Fa et al, 2003).3.2.3 Economic significanceThe annual contribution of the bushmeat trade to national economies is difficult toestimate, because it is largely unregulated and un-taxed. Nevertheless, it has beenestimated to equal US$24 million in Gabon, US$42 million in Liberia, US$117 million inCôte d’Ivoire and up to US$150 million in Ivory Coast (Bowen-Jones & Pendry, 1999;Kümpel, 2005). The estimated overall annual value of the trade could exceed US$1 billion,with commercial hunters in Central Africa making up to US$1,000 per year – more thanthe average household income (BCTF, 2000c; Wilkie & Eves, 2001). Many rural familiesliving in extreme poverty are making less than US$1 per day (Merode et al, 2004).In Central and West Africa, the trade in bushmeat can supply 90% to 100% of allhousehold income <strong>for</strong> rural families (Matsura, 2004; Williamson, 2001). In Eastern andSouthern Africa, 39% of household income is supplied by the bushmeat trade; in theKitui District of Kenya, even part-time trading provides an income competitive with more<strong>for</strong>mal professions (Barnett, 2000). A study found that 74.5% of people arrested <strong>for</strong>illegal hunting in Serengeti National Park said that they hunted to generate cash incomeand only 24.7% claimed they hunted to obtain food (Loibooki et al, 2002). The samestudy reported that those who owned livestock were significantly less likely to hunt wildanimals but that those who did hunt relied on hunting to supply 51.4% of their protein.THE BROADER BUSHMEAT ISSUEAn estimated 5,226 young adult men from the subsistence farming communities on theboundary of the National Park obtained their primary income from illegal hunting. Foodexpenditure <strong>for</strong> both poor and wealthy families in Kenya represents more than 70%of monthly income, and so savings made from eating no-cost bushmeat significantlycontribute to living standards (Barnett, 2000).In 1996, it was estimated that wild meat represented 1.4% (about US$150 million) ofCôte d’Ivoire’s gross national product (Williamson, 2001); 120,000 tons of wild meatwas harvested – more than double the annual production from domestic livestock(Caspary, 1999, cited by Williamson, 2001).Bushmeat allows people to purchase materials and items that a subsistence life cannotprovide, as well as generating income <strong>for</strong> shelter, clothing, taxes and schooling (Ziegleret al, 2002; Bowen-Jones & Pendry, 1999). At a time when per capita spending on socialservices is decreasing, and incomes have plummeted due to falling agricultural prices andcurrency devaluation, the monetary incentive <strong>for</strong> hunting bushmeat is highly attractive.The likelihood of detection or punishment is minimal and the cost/benefit ratio is veryfavourable, further enhancing the appeal and justification <strong>for</strong> hunting wildlife. Indeed, theimportance of bushmeat in the Gross Domestic Product and national economy is nowbeing recognised in Central and West Africa (Barnett, 2000; Kümpel, 2005).3.2.4 Cultural significanceCultural and religious importance is also attributed to bushmeat (Apaza et al, 2002).Hunters in Kenya, Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe have esteemed status, becausethey provide food <strong>for</strong> the less capable elderly and female-led households (Barnett,2000). Hunting is, in many cases, a revered activity and/or a social pastime.Furthermore, bushmeat is often sought after by urban elites seeking to retain links toa traditional village lifestyle (BCTF, 2004). In Sarawak, <strong>for</strong> example, city-dwelling menhunt recreationally, just as do many of their North American and European equivalents.3.3 Factors contributing to commercialbushmeat huntingThe most important driving factors in commercial bushmeat hunting are:1. Increasing human population and rising demand2. Uncontrolled access to <strong>for</strong>est wildlife facilitated by logging, mining and hydroelectricor fossil fuel transport companies3. War and civil strife4. Weak governance, institutional deficiency and civil disobedience5. Sophistication of hunting techniques6. Lack of capital or infrastructure <strong>for</strong> meat production7. Changes in the cultural environment and discarding of social taboos and traditional25WSPA/APE ALLIANCE24
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Pteropus ornatus ORNATE FLYING FOXP
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Miopithecus talapoin talapoin (W&C)
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Myosciurus pumilio African pygmy sq
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Ducula oceanica MICRONESIAN IMPERIA
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Alectoris chukar Chukar partridgeAl
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PhasmatodeaPhasmatidaeEurycantha ho
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DD South and South and SE AsiaLR/lc
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Papio cynocephalus Yellow baboon LR
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COMIFAC (Council ofMinisters for Fo
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EAZA EAZA, IFAW EAZA Petition again
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Heifer International South West Far
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IUCN Conservation Breeding Speciali
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MINEF Anti-poaching unit CameroonMi
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Philadelphia Zoo Bushmeat Education
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TRAFFIC Review of bushmeat trade in
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Wildlife Conservation Society, Amer
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WWF ? Vision for Biodiversity in Co
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Categories Keywords Dates Contact U
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Surveys, Research,Community Researc
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Funding, Research1995 - presentFund
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Livelihoods, Poverty,2002 Joanna El
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Coltan, MiningInformation , Educati
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