other parts of Shashemene, 4 the four research sefer, or neighbourhoods, hosted fewseasonal <strong>and</strong> permanent migrants from Amhara <strong>and</strong> Tigray.Although the official Kebele 08/09 boundaries are not ethnically segregated, it is<strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g to observe that the migration of people from these ethnic groups reflectsprevious migration histories <strong>and</strong> the ethnic composition of the <strong>in</strong>habitants of the fourneighbourhoods. Individuals from the same ethnic groups tend to settle <strong>in</strong> theneighbourhood where most people from their areas of orig<strong>in</strong> have already settled. Interms of the four neighbourhoods studied, the majority of the migrants to Bishate Seferare from the Wolayita <strong>and</strong> Hadiya ethnic groups, while most of the migrants <strong>in</strong> KuyisaSefer are Kembata, Wolayita <strong>and</strong> some Oromo. Similarly, the majority of the migrants <strong>in</strong>Bole Sefer tend to be from the Gurage ethnic group, while migrants from Wolayita <strong>and</strong>Gurage predom<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>in</strong> Serategna Sefer.When asked why they migrate to Shashemene, the most common reasons mentioned byseasonal, male <strong>and</strong> adult migrants are shortage of l<strong>and</strong>, l<strong>and</strong>lessness, rural destitution,l<strong>and</strong> tax <strong>and</strong> debts from agricultural <strong>in</strong>puts. S<strong>in</strong>ce 1991, dur<strong>in</strong>g the post-socialist era ofthe EPRDF regime, subsidies for agricultural <strong>in</strong>puts such as fertiliser were graduallyreduced <strong>and</strong>, hence, some peasants had begun to move <strong>in</strong> search of employment to obta<strong>in</strong>cash <strong>in</strong>comes <strong>and</strong> pay back their debts. The <strong>in</strong>cidence of conflicts notably ethnic clashessuch as around Faji <strong>in</strong> Kembata dur<strong>in</strong>g the change of government <strong>in</strong> 1991 is reported tohave pushed other migrants to Shashemene.Most migrants mentioned that they decided to move to Shashemene due to its proximity<strong>and</strong> the perception of relatively better employment opportunities. They mentioned thatthey were attracted by the <strong>in</strong>formation they obta<strong>in</strong>ed from their <strong>in</strong>formal sources aboutemployment opportunities <strong>in</strong> construction work, load<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> unload<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> other<strong>in</strong>formal sector employment. In particular, seasonal rural migrants often come to BoleSefer, a relatively rich neighbourhood with<strong>in</strong> the town, dur<strong>in</strong>g agricultural harvest<strong>in</strong>gperiods to work for gra<strong>in</strong> traders as porters <strong>and</strong> store attendants. However, the seasonalrural-urban migration is not only limited to poor rural community members. Some betterofffarmers also moved as short-term migrants from Bale <strong>in</strong> Oromia to engage <strong>in</strong> gra<strong>in</strong>trad<strong>in</strong>g.The long-term migrants who came to the Shashemene research site began to settle <strong>in</strong> thesefer s<strong>in</strong>ce the early 1970s dur<strong>in</strong>g the Haile Selassie Regime <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>cluded mostly peoplefrom Wolayita, Kembata, Hadiya <strong>and</strong> Gofa <strong>in</strong> the SNNPR. The longer-term migrantsoften moved to the town because of extreme shortage of rural l<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> their areas of orig<strong>in</strong>where densities can reach as high as 500 people per square kilometre <strong>and</strong> wherepopulation <strong>in</strong>crease is rapid, as well as due to relatively better life-styles <strong>in</strong> this bus<strong>in</strong>esstown, <strong>and</strong> the perceived success of former migrants.Many of the female, adult <strong>and</strong> permanent migrants moved from the adjacent ruraldistricts of Kembata, Hadiya, Wolayita, Sidama, Gamo <strong>and</strong> eastern Oromia due to factors4 The predom<strong>in</strong>ant ethnic groups <strong>in</strong> Shashemene are Amhara, Oromo, Gurage, Wolayita, Kembata <strong>and</strong>Tigrayan.22
elated to marriage, notably mov<strong>in</strong>g to jo<strong>in</strong> their spouses. There are also young femalemigrants who came from these districts as well as from other bus<strong>in</strong>ess towns such asAgaro, Awassa, Debre Zeit, Dilla, Nazret, Hagere Selam, Jimma, Yirgalem <strong>and</strong> AddisAbaba for short seasons. Most of these categories of female, young <strong>and</strong> seasonal migrantstend to be divorced or s<strong>in</strong>gle, <strong>and</strong> are engaged <strong>in</strong> domestic labour work, small bus<strong>in</strong>esses,production of local dr<strong>in</strong>ks <strong>and</strong> commercial sex work. As the <strong>in</strong>formants elucidate, themigration of commercial sex workers to Bishate Sefer <strong>in</strong>creased s<strong>in</strong>ce the Socialist Dergperiod due to the establishment of a military base.Shashemene: Out-migration trendsDifferent categories of migrants from the various ethnic groups have experiencedmigration out of their respective sefer. Most of the female migrants who engaged <strong>in</strong>commercial sex work <strong>in</strong> Bishate Sefer often migrate out of the neighbourhood to look forbetter opportunities <strong>in</strong> other urban dest<strong>in</strong>ations.Most of the long-term male migrants engaged <strong>in</strong> daily labour <strong>in</strong> Kuyisa Sefer <strong>and</strong> theseasonal migrants who briefly stay <strong>in</strong> the neighbourhood tend to go to the south-westernregions such as Jimma, Agaro <strong>and</strong> Illu Aba Bor dur<strong>in</strong>g the coffee-pick<strong>in</strong>g season. Theyalso travel to the Awash Valley for sow<strong>in</strong>g, around Arba M<strong>in</strong>ch for cotton harvest<strong>in</strong>g,Shekiso for gold m<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> Woito for mango harvest<strong>in</strong>g. In addition to such longdistancedest<strong>in</strong>ations, seasonal migrants travel to the surround<strong>in</strong>g rural areas ofShashemene to be hired <strong>in</strong> potato plant<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> harvest<strong>in</strong>g as well as <strong>in</strong> tef harvest<strong>in</strong>g.Most of the long-term migrants, who are engaged <strong>in</strong> small bus<strong>in</strong>ess activities, also go outof Serategna Sefer to adjacent towns such as Awassa, Negele, <strong>and</strong> Kofele for shortperiods to carry out trad<strong>in</strong>g activities. For <strong>in</strong>stance, the small traders buy second-h<strong>and</strong>clothes from Awassa, food gra<strong>in</strong>s <strong>and</strong> Areke from Negele, butter <strong>and</strong> cheese from Kofele,<strong>and</strong> maize, charcoal <strong>and</strong> wood from Aje to sell <strong>in</strong> Shashemene market. In return, trademigrants buy shiro, pepper, <strong>and</strong> biqil from Shashemene to sell <strong>in</strong> these dest<strong>in</strong>ations.Some long-term male migrants who left their spouses beh<strong>in</strong>d often return to theirhomel<strong>and</strong>s twice a year to cultivate their farms <strong>and</strong> harvest their produce.Short visits <strong>and</strong> seasonal migration out of the area happen dur<strong>in</strong>g the celebration ofMeskel <strong>and</strong> on wedd<strong>in</strong>g occasions. Crisis times such as the death of people from the sameareas of orig<strong>in</strong>, family disputes or ethnic clashes are also reasons for temporary outmigration.Data from the Resources <strong>and</strong> Needs Survey (RANS) provides some more evidence aboutmigration on the basis of three questions: 1) the number of members not present; 2) visitsaway from the site for more than a month; <strong>and</strong> 3) <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g away from thecommunity.Table 1: Household members away from the community <strong>in</strong> July 2005Male Female TotalFrequency Percentage Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage23
- Page 1 and 2: Migration and Rural-Urban Linkages
- Page 3 and 4: ABSTRACTThe paper examines key issu
- Page 5 and 6: LIST OF TABLES, FIGURES AND MAPSTab
- Page 7 and 8: Executive SummaryThis study attempt
- Page 9 and 10: of development structure can serve
- Page 11 and 12: The paper examines key issues affec
- Page 13 and 14: functions. The improvement of physi
- Page 15 and 16: agriculture, de-prioritisation of u
- Page 17 and 18: The promulgation of ethnic-based fe
- Page 19 and 20: including development policies and
- Page 21 and 22: Proponents also argue that forms of
- Page 23 and 24: Figure 2: Positive Links between Mi
- Page 25 and 26: and voluntary associations as a mec
- Page 27: OSSREA (1995) presents the findings
- Page 31 and 32: Table 2: Reason for absenceFrequenc
- Page 33 and 34: as well as Tigray, the following as
- Page 35 and 36: Table 6: Location where household m
- Page 37 and 38: survey in May 2004. Most of these,
- Page 39 and 40: Table 9: Location where household m
- Page 41 and 42: Table 11: Reason for absenceFrequen
- Page 43 and 44: Dinki, Amhara: Out-migration trends
- Page 45 and 46: Table 13: Household members away fr
- Page 47 and 48: There are still considerable number
- Page 49 and 50: 2.2.Type of work and livelihoods of
- Page 51 and 52: Migrants work on different terms th
- Page 53 and 54: technology and lifestyles. Furtherm
- Page 55 and 56: false banana) and maize. Similarly,
- Page 57 and 58: sell the alcoholic drink, areke, wh
- Page 59 and 60: where there is a sugar plantation,
- Page 61 and 62: Table 23: Type of support received
- Page 63 and 64: 2.4. Preferences regarding urban ce
- Page 65 and 66: urban sites, Kolfe and Shashemene,
- Page 67 and 68: 2.6. Labour force and employment op
- Page 69 and 70: egion was high and was not impeded
- Page 71 and 72: LBox 2: List of migration experienc
- Page 73 and 74: Case 5: ES, male, poor, seasonal /s
- Page 75 and 76: Case 11: AD, female, Oromia migrant
- Page 77 and 78: alleviated by appropriate rural dev
- Page 79 and 80:
Successive Ethiopian governments to
- Page 81 and 82:
in providing information about jobs
- Page 83 and 84:
this recommendation but its impleme
- Page 85 and 86:
Carney, D., 1998, Sustainable Rural
- Page 87 and 88:
Kloos, H. (1988). "Ethiopia's Econo
- Page 89 and 90:
Annex 1: The WeD-Research SitesMap
- Page 91 and 92:
Map 4:Sketch map of Imdibir85
- Page 93 and 94:
Map 6:Sketch map of Shashemene87
- Page 95 and 96:
Map 8:Sketch map of Korodegaga89
- Page 97:
Table 33: National Rural Migrants P