It is reported that there are <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g trends of out-migration <strong>and</strong> l<strong>in</strong>ks to otherdest<strong>in</strong>ations over the past five years. The reasons for the high level of migration <strong>in</strong>cludethe push factors such as debt from micro-f<strong>in</strong>ancial <strong>in</strong>stitutions <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong> taxation,restrictions on the sale of farml<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> the worsen<strong>in</strong>g of rural destitution.Korodegaga, OromiaMost of the recent poor migrants to Korodegaga are engaged as daily labourers <strong>in</strong> theconstruction of the irrigation scheme. The few migrants who are work<strong>in</strong>g as small-scale<strong>in</strong>vestors tend to lease l<strong>and</strong>s from poor farmers to produce various types of vegetables.The nearby tourist town, Sodere, is critical for the poor people, who earn their liv<strong>in</strong>g bysell<strong>in</strong>g firewood, <strong>and</strong> vegetables <strong>and</strong> fruits grown through the irrigation scheme.D<strong>in</strong>ki, AmharaThe major type of activity for the people of D<strong>in</strong>ki is subsistence farm<strong>in</strong>g supported byrais<strong>in</strong>g livestock. In order to overcome seasonal food shortages, a large number ofhouseholds liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> D<strong>in</strong>ki migrate to some towns <strong>in</strong> Oromia <strong>and</strong> Afar regions to look forwork as daily labourers <strong>in</strong> construction <strong>and</strong> farm<strong>in</strong>g work. Some poor Muslims alsoreportedly travel to Nazareth every year dur<strong>in</strong>g Ramadan to receive alms from richbus<strong>in</strong>ess people who are successful migrants.2.3. Spatial patterns, urban-rural l<strong>in</strong>kages <strong>and</strong> labour flows2.3.1. The current context of Kolfe <strong>and</strong> Shashemene urban sitesIn study<strong>in</strong>g the l<strong>in</strong>kages <strong>and</strong> networks l<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g Kolfe <strong>and</strong> Shashemene to other urban <strong>and</strong>rural places <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ethiopia</strong>, our qualitative study revealed that permanent movement or longtermmigration, seasonal or short-term migration, <strong>and</strong> circular migration have createddifferent levels <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>tensities of relationships between urban <strong>and</strong> rural areas. Accord<strong>in</strong>gto the key <strong>in</strong>formants for our Shashemene site, the rural areas from which the migrantscame to the urban communities were ma<strong>in</strong>ly from the south, notably Wolayita, Omo,Dawro, Kembata <strong>and</strong> Hadiya. In contrast, Kolfe has hosted both seasonal <strong>and</strong> long-termmigrants from the south <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g Gurage (Cheat, Imdibir, Indoor <strong>and</strong> Sor), Gamo(Chencha, Doko, Ezo, Birbera, Ze’ada, Data, Bone, Woyza, Andiro, Elo, Dera, Jila,Atolo, Bele, Shema, Dokomasha), Kembata, Hadiya, the centre (Shewa Oromo <strong>and</strong>Amhara as well as Arssi Oromo) <strong>and</strong> Northern <strong>Ethiopia</strong> (Eastern Gojjam <strong>and</strong> Wollo -Yeju, Raya <strong>and</strong> Kobo areas).Most of the migrants from Gurage, Gamo, Kembata, Hadiya <strong>and</strong> Wolayita <strong>in</strong> both Kolfe<strong>and</strong> Shashemene have had the experience of circular migration. The respondents th<strong>in</strong>kthat this k<strong>in</strong>d of migration is most important <strong>in</strong> terms of household diversificationstrategies stimulat<strong>in</strong>g a constant flow of <strong>in</strong>formation about jobs, market situation, new46
technology <strong>and</strong> lifestyles. Furthermore, it <strong>in</strong>dicates that whilst migrants’ livelihoods arespatially with<strong>in</strong> an urban context, their social <strong>and</strong> cultural identity still rema<strong>in</strong>s rootedwith<strong>in</strong> the rural village context facilitated by the strong ties <strong>and</strong> networks with family <strong>and</strong>village relations as well as religious <strong>and</strong> social festivals.Types of urban-rural l<strong>in</strong>kagesBased on our qualitative study, <strong>in</strong>dividual migrants liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> urban areas ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>multiple types of networks with their rural homes to serve their social <strong>and</strong> economic<strong>in</strong>terests as well as ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> their cultural identities <strong>and</strong> ethnic ties. The case study below(Figure 3) presents an account of an <strong>in</strong>dividual migrant from the south <strong>and</strong> illustrates thatwhilst his livelihood is spatially with<strong>in</strong> Kolfe, his networks still rema<strong>in</strong> rooted with<strong>in</strong> hisrural village <strong>in</strong> Gamo facilitated by the strong ties <strong>and</strong> networks with family <strong>and</strong> villagesthrough various forms such as trade, marriage <strong>and</strong> cash remittances.47
- Page 1 and 2: Migration and Rural-Urban Linkages
- Page 3 and 4: ABSTRACTThe paper examines key issu
- Page 5 and 6: LIST OF TABLES, FIGURES AND MAPSTab
- Page 7 and 8: Executive SummaryThis study attempt
- Page 9 and 10: of development structure can serve
- Page 11 and 12: The paper examines key issues affec
- Page 13 and 14: functions. The improvement of physi
- Page 15 and 16: agriculture, de-prioritisation of u
- Page 17 and 18: The promulgation of ethnic-based fe
- Page 19 and 20: including development policies and
- Page 21 and 22: Proponents also argue that forms of
- Page 23 and 24: Figure 2: Positive Links between Mi
- Page 25 and 26: and voluntary associations as a mec
- Page 27 and 28: OSSREA (1995) presents the findings
- Page 29 and 30: elated to marriage, notably moving
- Page 31 and 32: Table 2: Reason for absenceFrequenc
- Page 33 and 34: as well as Tigray, the following as
- Page 35 and 36: Table 6: Location where household m
- Page 37 and 38: survey in May 2004. Most of these,
- Page 39 and 40: Table 9: Location where household m
- Page 41 and 42: Table 11: Reason for absenceFrequen
- Page 43 and 44: Dinki, Amhara: Out-migration trends
- Page 45 and 46: Table 13: Household members away fr
- Page 47 and 48: There are still considerable number
- Page 49 and 50: 2.2.Type of work and livelihoods of
- Page 51: Migrants work on different terms th
- Page 55 and 56: false banana) and maize. Similarly,
- Page 57 and 58: sell the alcoholic drink, areke, wh
- Page 59 and 60: where there is a sugar plantation,
- Page 61 and 62: Table 23: Type of support received
- Page 63 and 64: 2.4. Preferences regarding urban ce
- Page 65 and 66: urban sites, Kolfe and Shashemene,
- Page 67 and 68: 2.6. Labour force and employment op
- Page 69 and 70: egion was high and was not impeded
- Page 71 and 72: LBox 2: List of migration experienc
- Page 73 and 74: Case 5: ES, male, poor, seasonal /s
- Page 75 and 76: Case 11: AD, female, Oromia migrant
- Page 77 and 78: alleviated by appropriate rural dev
- Page 79 and 80: Successive Ethiopian governments to
- Page 81 and 82: in providing information about jobs
- Page 83 and 84: this recommendation but its impleme
- Page 85 and 86: Carney, D., 1998, Sustainable Rural
- Page 87 and 88: Kloos, H. (1988). "Ethiopia's Econo
- Page 89 and 90: Annex 1: The WeD-Research SitesMap
- Page 91 and 92: Map 4:Sketch map of Imdibir85
- Page 93 and 94: Map 6:Sketch map of Shashemene87
- Page 95 and 96: Map 8:Sketch map of Korodegaga89
- Page 97: Table 33: National Rural Migrants P