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Thursday, 13 October 2016 <strong>SENATE</strong> 3<br />

Legislation Monitor Act 2010 and the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security Act 1986. As legislative<br />

changes extending the powers of security agencies are implemented, the requirement for reliable and effective<br />

external oversight becomes more critical. If these changes which extend the powers of the agencies are given<br />

effect but are not accompanied by adequate safeguards, it will be more challenging to maintain an essential level<br />

of trust in the community about the agency's operations. Trust is essential if our agencies are to be effective.<br />

Not only are these safeguards important to protect the public interest but they also create an environment that<br />

protects the agencies themselves. It is to the parliament that these agencies are accountable and it is parliament's<br />

responsibility to provide oversight of their priorities and their effectiveness. It is not sufficient for the parliament<br />

to simply put in place a legislative framework for the oversight of agencies without conducting oversight itself. If<br />

the parliament is not a check and balance, it will not be possible to ensure agencies meet the requirements and the<br />

standards that the parliament itself has set. The parliament has no better or more authoritative forum than the<br />

Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security to do this job.<br />

Just as the legislation governing our intelligence and security agencies must be under constant review, so too<br />

must be the legislation governing the operation of the committees. Just as we would expect amendments to be<br />

brought to the parliament to correct deficiencies and enhance the operation of our intelligence and security<br />

agencies, so too must the parliament assess the effectiveness of its own committee. Labor's submission to the<br />

Senate today is that the legislation governing the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security can<br />

be improved. We present this bill as a means of doing so.<br />

I want to briefly traverse the key measures in the bill. This bill removes current constraints on the membership<br />

of the committee to provide that, except for a minimum representation of one government member and senator<br />

and one opposition member and senator, the balance on the 11-member committee can be drawn from either<br />

chamber. Currently, the Intelligence Services Act 2001 mandates a composition of six House of Representatives<br />

members and five senators from the committees. Removing this current constraint will enable greater flexibility in<br />

determining PJCIS membership.<br />

I note that the bill does not amend the requirement for the government to hold a majority. In relation to this<br />

provision, there is no reason why senators should be in the minority. I suggest to the Senate it should be left to the<br />

parties to draw members from the best available representatives. Because of the nexus that currently exists<br />

between the Senate and the other place, as well as between the parties, for example, in the past some senators on<br />

both sides have had to relinquish their places on the committee for a period in order to accommodate certain<br />

members of the other place for particular inquiries by a committee. The opposition found itself constrained by<br />

both the apportionment of membership between the Senate and House and the desire by the government to<br />

allocate its six members across the chamber in a particular way.<br />

I reiterate: the bill does not amend the requirement for the government to hold a majority, but it does mean that<br />

there are fewer constraints placed on the choice of members for the committee based on the chamber in which<br />

they sit. I presume there would not be a senator who would object if this resulted in a greater number of senators<br />

on the committee. I note the continuing requirement that, before nominating members, the Prime Minister or the<br />

Leader of the Government in the Senate, as appropriate, is obliged to consult with the leader of each recognised<br />

political party that is represented in the House and in the Senate, as the case may be, and that does not form part of<br />

the government.<br />

The bill also: provides for the committee to conduct its own-motion inquiries after consultation with the<br />

responsible minister; authorises the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor to provide the committee<br />

with a copy of any report on a matter referred to it by the committee; requires the Inspector-General of<br />

Intelligence and Security to give the committee a copy of any report provided to the Prime Minister or a minister<br />

within three months; gives the committee the function of conducting presunset reviews of legislation containing<br />

sunset provisions; and adds the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor and the National Security<br />

Adviser to officers able to be consulted by the committee.<br />

As the role of agencies and the powers afforded to them develops, the greater the potential for that power to<br />

infringe upon individual liberties and, in turn, the greater the need for accountability in the exercise of that power.<br />

I do not in any way suggest that our security and intelligence agencies are acting otherwise than in accordance<br />

with the law. That is not my view. But, if powers were to be used inappropriately, there would be an erosion of<br />

public trust. Having appropriate and effective accountability mechanisms protects both the agencies and the<br />

public. As I said previously, it is the parliament to which the agencies are accountable, not the judiciary, and it is<br />

the parliament's responsibility to oversee their priorities and effectiveness and to ensure agencies meet the<br />

requirements and standards it sets.<br />

CHAMBER

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