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Thursday, 13 October 2016 <strong>SENATE</strong> 11<br />
This is a very minor amendment to the existing legislation that we hope to win the support of the Senate for. It<br />
is not opening up a whole avenue for placing at risk the very important and significant matter of national security.<br />
In fact, it is trying to improve on that and lend greater support to those who have that onerous task of looking after<br />
us and ensuring our nation is safe and that the agencies are resourced. It is critical that their recommendations are<br />
taken up, but if they are not known then it is very difficult for those matters to be pursued—outside of the largesse<br />
of the minister or his or her responsibilities.<br />
The question of global security weighs on us on a constant basis. Again, I recall some years ago going to the<br />
United States and to New York. People actually put money on the window sills of their houses so that people<br />
would not break in. There was a sense of fear that gripped the nation at the time—and it has probably only been<br />
enhanced by the terrorism acts that have taken place in America since my period there. The sense of fear is a very<br />
corrosive element to the principles of democracy and freedom. That is something we need to guard against most<br />
diligently whilst we balance the necessity for efficient and effective intelligence gathering and the capacity to<br />
orchestrate the activities necessary to undertake tasks while not being curtailed by unnecessary bureaucracy and<br />
management. It is getting both things right that is the challenge.<br />
I think what we have tried to do on our side is suggest some minimal changes. They can be improved upon, I<br />
have no doubt, but the intent is to ensure, through the membership proposals, that there is a role for the parliament<br />
in a greater manner than there has been in the past. I think the capacity to look at sunset legislation is often<br />
important, because there may well be amendments that could be made to improve it, or there could be matters that<br />
are no longer relevant that ought to be removed as well.<br />
The significant factor, I think, is community trust in its institutions. Primarily, citizens look to the parliament<br />
for that to be exercised on their behalf. That is why they elect us. We are elected to make decisions. I appreciate<br />
that sometimes those decisions are hard on people's senses of their own freedoms and their own sense of what and<br />
how they ought to enjoy their democracy. But we all have to balance the competing rights of each other and the<br />
diversity and differences that we bring to our wonderful democracy.<br />
But if we do not appreciate that and if we do not bring those balances then we are simply allowing ourselves to<br />
slip more and more into some form of totalitarian state—and I am not suggesting that these amendments have any<br />
intention of doing that. We need to bring to the notice of the government and to the parliament the ways in which<br />
democracy and its significant structures can be better made to reflect the trust that citizens place in us and to<br />
ensure that agents that are brought into existence, that look after our security, are also held accountable. Senator<br />
Macdonald's view about oversighting the oversighters is a point that I do not necessarily disagree with: But that is<br />
not what we are talking about.<br />
What we are talking about is that there has to be a balance of all the various accountabilities that are required in<br />
a rather complex scenario of national security and intelligence gathering. If we can achieve that and improve upon<br />
that without placing at risk the necessities for security, confidentiality and privacy—those sorts of issues which<br />
are fundamental to good intelligence gathering and for good execution of activities to protect the nation—then that<br />
has to be paramount. But I do not think that the amendments that we are proposing in any way hinder or impact on<br />
that particular paramount goal.<br />
I think this is a modest set of recommendations. They seek to get the balance right and to bring in a bigger role<br />
for parliamentarians—not to usurp, in any manner, the role, function and authority of the agencies—in order to<br />
bring some comfort, I think, to the public that security is not always a matter that has to wear a gun. Security is<br />
also about: how do you cultivate friendships, freedom and trust with the others who you may not necessarily agree<br />
with? It is a bit hard when you do not know who wants to blow you up. But if you do have good intelligence and<br />
you do have good security measures, you can hopefully identify that better and you can accord to those people the<br />
kind of matters of justice that are— (Time expired)<br />
Senator XENOPHON (South Australia) (11:07): At the beginning of my remarks on this important bill, I<br />
would like to pay tribute to the late Dr Des Ball, Professor at the Australian National University's Strategic and<br />
Defence Studies Centre, who passed away yesterday after a lengthy illness. Professor Ball was a towering figure<br />
in Australian strategic and defence policy and a pioneer over more than four decades in researching the activities<br />
of the Australian intelligence community, most notably exposing decades of dissembling by successive<br />
governments about the role of the United States-Australia joint defence facilities. Together with Professor Richard<br />
Tanter, Professor Ball was earlier this year still publishing immensely detailed and scholarly papers providing new<br />
insight into the role of the joint defence facility at Pine Gap, including details of its intimate involvement in<br />
supporting US military operations and the global surveillance network run by the so-called Five Eyes intelligence<br />
partners.<br />
CHAMBER