The Intelligence Review | volume 2 | issue 4 |

from power of Colonel Muammar al-Gadhafi. The simultaneous presence of
Russian and American military and intelligence personnel in Syria is worrisome
for many observers. Nowlin agrees, but points out that the two countries have
repeatedly demonstrated that they are “capable of striking partial agreements over
Syria, to the benefit of both the region and the world”. Ultimately, she points out,
both Moscow and Washington are aware that, as ISIS loses power in the region,
“the need for a political resolution in Syria becomes more prevalent”. Russia has
repeatedly indicated that Syria’s embattled President, Bashar al-Assad, should play
a prominent role in a future political solution. It is also clear, says Nowlin, that
“while the United States has articulated its intent to remove Assad from power,
that is no longer [its] primary goal [...] in Syria”. This could form the basis of a
mutually agreed path toward stability in the country, argues Nowlin. Alternatively,
tensions between the United States and Russia could continue to rise toward Cold
War levels, something that could “turn Syria into one of history’s longest proxy
wars between the two powers”, she concludes.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been a central parameter
of America’s national security strategy in the postwar era. However, recent years
have witnessed a severe deterioration in relations between NATO’s two largest
military powers, the United States and Turkey. In September of 2017, following
a meeting with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President Trump
said that the relationship between the two nations was better than it had ever
been. However, as CIB analyst and executive officer Katelyn Montrief argues, the
American president’s statement appears to contradict the facts. There has never
been complete agreement on policy between Washington and Ankara, even
—especially, some would say— during the Cold War. However, Montrief notes
that recent years have seen an unprecedented deterioration in relations between
Turkey and the United States, which has inevitably spread confusion and ambiguity
within NATO circles. There are several factors that contribute to the worsening
of bilateral relations between Washington and Ankara, says Montrief. One is
America’s stance toward the Kurds, which constitute a sizeable minority within
Turkey, Iraq, and other nations in the Middle East. Turkey sees the Kurds’
secessionist aspirations as direct threats to its territorial integrity. But the United
States has worked closely with the Kurds for years, most recently in Syria against
ISIS. That close relationship continues to incense Ankara and contributes
significantly to its thorny relations with Washington. Relations between Turkey
and the United States took a rapid turn for the worse in July 2016, when a group
of Turkish military officers carried out a failed coup against President Erdogan.
He has since accused Washington of involvement in the coup, and has asked for
the extradition of Fethullah Gülen, an American-based former Islamic preacher and
politician, who leads the so-called Gülen movement. Washington rejects Ankara’s
assertions and continues to provide political protection for Gülen. In late 2017,
former national security advisor Michael Flynn was charged with making false
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