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Alien Species.vp - IUCN

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contributed their fruits and abundance to adorn and enrich this quarter part of the world, which<br />

we Spaniards found so poor and destitute of the plants and animals most necessary to nourish<br />

and give service to mankind … ” (Cobo, 1964 as cited in Crosby, 1972). Even today, nonindigenous<br />

species may total two-thirds of the most frequently used medicinal herbs in Mexico<br />

(Kay, 1996).<br />

Such pleas for home-grown solutions are intriguing from at least two perspectives: the<br />

perceived problems often arose decades, even centuries, after the immigrants’ arrival, yet the<br />

collective inclination remained strong to call for a solution from a homeland that most had<br />

never seen. Furthermore, little or no effort was usually exerted to find a local solution to a local<br />

problem. English settlers along the eastern coast of North America in the 17th century soon<br />

became dissatisfied with the quality of native forage. One 17th century settler in New England<br />

complained that the native forage “…issodevoid of nutritive vertue, that our beasts grow<br />

lousy with feeding on it, and are much out of heart and lung” (Cronon, 1983). Securing<br />

nutritious forage was a serious concern for settlers who had neither the time nor the inclination<br />

to experiment with native species as forage. By 1635 settlers to Maryland were cautioned to<br />

bring a “good store of Claver grasse seede, to make good meadow” (Edwards, 1948). The<br />

native species had been clearly determined to be unsuitable.<br />

Requests even arose for timber species. The 17th century Dutch colonists to the Cape of<br />

Good Hope soon discovered the paucity of native woody plants, even for firewood. One<br />

extraordinary solution was the regular importation of lumber from Europe and the East Indies<br />

(Wilson and Thompson, 1969). It was nevertheless deemed necessary by the 19th century to<br />

establish a local source of lumber as well as introduce woody dune-binding plants. Some of<br />

these species subsequently became highly invasive, e.g., Acacia longifolia, Acacia saligna,<br />

Hakea suaveolens (Shaughnessy, 1986).<br />

Calls home also included requests for species to solve self-inflicted environmental<br />

problems. Much American folklore to the contrary, the Intermountain West of the United<br />

States is only marginally suitable for livestock; the principal native grasses, all bunchgrasses,<br />

are intrinsically intolerant of persistent grazing (Mack and Thompson, 1982). As a result, the<br />

role of these grasses was radically reduced in less than 50 years after the wholesale introduction<br />

of cattle and sheep. By 1900 many had concluded that “ … the native grass is gone, and<br />

experiment has not yet fully demonstrated the adaptability of any other grass to this soil and<br />

climate” (Anon., 1901). Little or no effort was spent exploring solutions with native species;<br />

the call went out instead for species from Eurasia. Non-indigenous grasses (e.g. Agropyron<br />

cristatum, Bromus inermis) and even the highly invasive Bromus tectorum were soon being<br />

evaluated as substitutes (Mack, 1981). Few species that were subsequently introduced are<br />

suitable as forage, and some could yet produce plant invasions, such as Kochia prostrata and<br />

Agropyron repens hybrids (Mack and Thompson, 1982; Mack, 1999). Tragically, the Call<br />

Home Syndrome continues. Currently much of the Intermontane West is being sown with nonindigenous<br />

species in a futile attempt to sustain livestock production (Monsen, 1990), while<br />

ostensibly controlling fires sparked by Bromus tectorum, now the region’s most abundant plant<br />

invader (Mack, 1981).<br />

Hawaii has long been the site of a variant of the Call Home Syndrome that has been played<br />

out with tragic consequences. Similar to many other subtropical and tropical islands that<br />

became European or American colonies, Hawaii proved ideal for the production of sugar cane<br />

(Viola and Margolis, 1991). Much of Oahu and other Hawaiian Islands was cleared of native<br />

forest and planted to sugarcane. In their zeal to maximize the acreage of sugarcane, the<br />

American planters blundered; by clear-cutting far up-slope, they destroyed the ability of the<br />

islands’ mountain habitats to retain water and soil. By 1919 erosion had much increased and<br />

water supplies were simultaneously depleted among the settlements and fields down-slope.<br />

Even the water supply of Honolulu was strained by this rampant land-clearing (Lyon, 1923).<br />

27<br />

Human dimensions of invasive alien species

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