The Bidayuh Language Yesterday, Today and ... - SIL International

More documents

Recommendations

Info

1 Introduction 2 Nasality 3 Sounds of Bidayuh 4 Canonical shapes of Bidayuh words 5 Nasal spread 6 ‘New’ nasality 7 Nasals in Bidayuh morphology 8 Closing remarks List of tables: Consonants Vowels of the ultima (tonic syllable) PART II Nasality in Bidayuh Phonology Carolyn M. Rensch Table 1. Distribution of Biatah labial-consonant Ci- prefixes with the kinds of root-/stem-initial consonants and vowels to which they are prefixed: numbers of occurrences in the Nais dictionary Table 2. Distribution of the three nasal-initial Biatah Ci- prefixes with the kinds of root-/stem-initial consonants and vowels to which they are prefixed: numbers of occurrences in the Nais dictionary Table 3. Distribution of six common Biatah Ci- prefixes with the kinds of root-/stem-initial consonants and vowels to which they are prefixed: numbers of occurrences in the Nais dictionary Table 4. Estimated level of productivity of Ci- prefixes in Biatah dialect 31
1 Introduction The intent of this paper is to describe in a reasonable amount of detail the phonetic nature, occurrences and behaviors of nasality as it operates across the spectrum of Bidayuh dialects in Sarawak, Malaysia. 1 The focus is not intended to be on theoretical matters, and there is little attempt made to tie up all loose ends of analytical detail or to assign the analysis to a particular theory. 2 1 Much credit must be given at the beginning of this paper to the late Datu’ William Nais, whose Bidayuh–English Dictionary (1988) provided most of the Biatah-dialect forms and definitions shown in Section 7 and elsewhere in this paper. 2 However, it may be useful to note that the behaviors of nasality and some other features of this language might provide fertile ground for autosegmental analysis. 32
Page 1 and 2: DigitalResources SIL eBook 33 ® Th
Page 3 and 4: Fair-Use Policy: SIL e-Books 33 ©2
Page 5 and 6: 5.3.2 A unified Bidayuh orthography
Page 7 and 8: 6.5.1 Developments from medial clus
Page 9 and 10: 5.1.1 Onset of the ultima 5.1.2 Nuc
Page 11 and 12: Foreword Y. B. Datuk Michael Manyin
Page 13 and 14: Introduction to Part I Today more a
Page 15 and 16: xiv The Bidayuh Language: Yesterday
Page 17 and 18: xiv The Bidayuh Language: Yesterday
Page 19 and 20: 1 Who are the Bidayuh? The non-Musl
Page 21 and 22: 1.1.1 By location Before the coming
Page 23 and 24: 2 Language development before 1963
Page 25 and 26: the Bidayuh belt make use of the re
Page 27 and 28: mile of the Kuching-Serian road. Al
Page 29 and 30: 3 Language development after 1963 M
Page 31 and 32: However, when the Dewan Bahasa dan
Page 33 and 34: 3.5 Majlis Adat Istiadat Sarawak Th
Page 35 and 36: 4 Recent efforts to develop the Bid
Page 37 and 38: 5 The Bidayuh Language Development
Page 39 and 40: Table 3. Current and unified symbol
Page 41 and 42: � It would be a source for lingui
Page 43 and 44: eing of the Bidayuh language but al
Page 45 and 46: 8 Addendum — Events since 2005 Th
Page 47: 8.6 Wordlist project This is a cont
Page 51 and 52: nasal(ized) sounds. There are some
Page 53 and 54: Vowels of the ultima (tonic syllabl
Page 55 and 56: 3.2.4 There are two laryngeal phone
Page 57 and 58: Curly brackets: {bi-} in /bi-suwat/
Page 59 and 60: Thus, [ã], [ũ], [ỹ], [h̃]; [V
Page 61 and 62: Examples of nasally-released word-f
Page 63 and 64: 4 Canonical shapes of Bidayuh words
Page 65 and 66: Examples of ambisyllabic V 1.V 2 se
Page 67 and 68: different meaning from the form wit
Page 69 and 70: saktian/ ‘a supernatural power th
Page 71 and 72: Still another example of phonetic v
Page 73 and 74: —or possibly /r/ is the remnant o
Page 75 and 76: Possibly words like /uatki/ > [ʔwa
Page 77 and 78: 5 Nasal spread 35 Movements of the
Page 79 and 80: piŋayuh/ > [pi.ŋã.ỹũh̃] ‘c
Page 81 and 82: təŋən/ > [tɤ.ŋɤ̃n] ‘tree (
Page 83 and 84: Reverse spread is more likely to oc
Page 85 and 86: words affected by this weakening pr
Page 87 and 88: 5.5 Outcomes of nasal+obstruent clu
Page 89 and 90: 6 ‘New’ nasality As may be conc
Page 91 and 92: obstruent has dropped out in partic
Page 93 and 94: clusters (…VN.DV…). However, Bu
Page 95 and 96: Examples of the reported increase i
Page 97 and 98: nasal spread—i.e., it occurs in w
Page 99 and 100:
The following examples illustrate n
Page 101 and 102:
saNɡaap/ > *sə̃.ŋ(ɡ)a.ˈap > [
Page 103 and 104:
with instances of non-spread. Such
Page 105 and 106:
A vowel between two simple/single n
Page 107 and 108:
6.7.2 Environments that hinder or p
Page 109 and 110:
7 Nasals in Bidayuh morphology What
Page 111 and 112:
7.2 Elements of Bidayuh morphology
Page 113 and 114:
tānək/ ‘cook (it)! (imperative)
Page 115 and 116:
ut also the grammatical content of
Page 117 and 118:
ɡāyas/ > [ɡā.yəs] ‘scratch!
Page 119 and 120:
install’ (Biatah-Nais). /pĭjo(ː
Page 121 and 122:
Examples of Bukar and Sadung roots
Page 123 and 124:
complex than, for example, a vowel-
Page 125 and 126:
) /m-/ is another single-consonant
Page 127 and 128:
im-/ occur most commonly with /k/-i
Page 129 and 130:
udip/ 103 ‘alive, living, fresh;
Page 131 and 132:
knowledge, there is only one third-
Page 133 and 134:
third order. 109 Consonant-initial
Page 135 and 136:
It is not absolutely clear whether
Page 137 and 138:
or the single-consonant prefix /m-/
Page 139 and 140:
Table 3. Distribution of six common
Page 141 and 142:
Table 4. Estimated level of product
Page 143 and 144:
) Canonical type of the first sound
Page 145 and 146:
8 Closing remarks This paper provid
Page 147 and 148:
1 Overview It has long been recogni
Page 149 and 150:
For those who would like to relate
Page 151 and 152:
3. In most dialects there is (or ma
Page 153 and 154:
lengthening of the following conson
Page 155 and 156:
*t *k Additional examples: *ŋum-p
Page 157 and 158:
*m *n *ɲ *ŭməh, *ăməh ‘(padd
Page 159 and 160:
*y *s Sembaan kăwin, Tringgus Raya
Page 161 and 162:
*dĭ-ken, *dĭ-ɡen ‘hold in hand
Page 163 and 164:
shape in Malay words and (2) the ma
Page 165 and 166:
*e *o *a Biya tājə, Sembaan tāj
Page 167 and 168:
Sembaan. In general, in Sembaan the
Page 169 and 170:
*mideːk, *mŭdeːk ‘go upriver
Page 171 and 172:
Three more sets seem to provide evi
Page 173 and 174:
Also *kĭlet, *kĭlat ‘eyelashes,
Page 175 and 176:
*kăʔih, *kiʔeh ‘we (exclusive)
Page 177 and 178:
Pinyawa’ dəwən, Bengoh dəwən,
Page 179 and 180:
Tringgus Raya trən, Tringgus Biren
Page 181 and 182:
*ɲəhəp ‘suck’ > Singai ɲuop
Page 183 and 184:
*m *n *ŋ *l *r *bāʔak tuad Bukar
Page 185 and 186:
speakers, Pinyawa’ and Bengoh whe
Page 187 and 188:
*ăndu ‘day’ Singai əndu, Gumb
Page 189 and 190:
*kăwi, *kăwin ‘shoulder, clavic
Page 191 and 192:
Key to dialect numbers: Western Cen
Page 193 and 194:
Table 5. Distribution of Replacive
Page 195 and 196:
*jāmban (74) əʔ əʔ *tăŋan (1
Page 197 and 198:
Table 7. Distribution of Replacive
Page 199 and 200:
*t *k Bibengih mpuruh, Sangking mpu
Page 201 and 202:
Anah Rais ɲiʔit, Biya ɲīʔit, S
Page 203 and 204:
*jăran, *ăran ‘trail, footpath
Page 205 and 206:
Table 8. Proto-Bidayuh penult vowel
Page 207 and 208:
*ătək, *ə̆ntək ‘brain’ Sin
Page 209 and 210:
*siməhəŋ, *simăhoŋ ‘ten’ S
Page 211 and 212:
mə̆kəd, Tringgus Bireng məkəd,
Page 213 and 214:
*săʔə, *siʔə ‘kill’ Grogo
Page 215 and 216:
də̆ŋan, Tringgus Bireng dĭŋeː
Page 217 and 218:
*ɲinsap ‘suck’ hisap *sinsin
Page 219 and 220:
*t *k *b *ɡ *r *s Anah Rais prĭʔ
Page 221 and 222:
Tringgus Raya kāsah, Tebakang kir
Page 223 and 224:
2.6.1 Consonants Proto Bidayuh had
Page 225 and 226:
Singai Sin Bratak 78.8 Bra Table 9.
Page 227 and 228:
Proto Land Dayak Bidayuh Bakati Bak
Page 229 and 230:
*t *k *b *d *j *ɡ *m *n *ɲ *ŋ *l
Page 231 and 232:
*[d]iu 1ʔ ‘true’ Rara diyuʔ,
Page 233 and 234:
correspondences for the vowel *a ar
Page 235 and 236:
*ara 1d ‘wing’ Rara arat, Sara/
Page 237 and 238:
There is a small group of words tha
Page 239 and 240:
*j *ɡ *m *n *ɲ *ŋ *l *r *s *jaŋ
Page 241 and 242:
3.2.3 Coda of the penult Only nasal
Page 243 and 244:
4 Proto Bidayuh-Bakati’ The Biday
Page 245 and 246:
For the present we will posit PBB *
Page 247 and 248:
*mbeen ‘wash (hands)’ PBid *ŋu
Page 249 and 250:
*sVbərək ‘hungry’ PBid *sibə
Page 251 and 252:
chart: The usual correspondences fo
Page 253 and 254:
*ɡăɡah ‘strong (person)’ PBi
Page 255 and 256:
However, other alternations include
Page 257 and 258:
*năŋko ‘steal’ PBid *năŋku,
Page 259 and 260:
If the following Bidayuh and Bakati
Page 261 and 262:
**k ** ĭkan ‘fish’ Proto Biday
Page 263 and 264:
It seems probable that only **r is
Page 265 and 266:
**s **kăsuh ‘dog’ Proto Bidayu
Page 267 and 268:
These Southern Land Dayak forms see
Page 269 and 270:
**kămbət, **k-ar-ĭmbət, **k-an-
Page 271 and 272:
position usually occur before voice
Page 273 and 274:
e reconstructed for these sets or e
Page 275 and 276:
As can be observed from the precedi
Page 277 and 278:
Even in Proto Bidayuh in a high pro
Page 279 and 280:
5.1.2.5 Vocalic length The data fro
Page 281 and 282:
**tərəp, **t/dărəm ‘deep’ P
Page 283 and 284:
**ăpuy, **ăpi ‘fire’ Proto Bi
Page 285 and 286:
**p **piʔin, **paʔin ‘water’
Page 287 and 288:
**m-i/ŭ/ādip ‘alive’ Proto Bi
Page 289 and 290:
**ŭduh, **iduh ‘grass’ Proto B
Page 291 and 292:
**ŭ ̆̆ ̆ **ŭjan ‘rain’ Pr
Page 293 and 294:
Examples of sə, bə and po are fou
Page 295 and 296:
It is possible that Proto Land Daya
Page 297 and 298:
6 Roots of the Land Dayak languages
Page 299 and 300:
PPhil *ləpád, PLD *măbər, *mibi
Page 301 and 302:
PAN *l > *r PAN *limáH > PLD *rim
Page 303 and 304:
PLD laryngeals. Since the developme
Page 305 and 306:
PHF *besúR ‘full, sated > PLD *b
Page 307 and 308:
PHN *suŋay > PLD *sūŋi ‘river
Page 309 and 310:
Bengoh taːs, Anah Rais taːs, Biya
Page 311 and 312:
PHN (Z) *ubú[qʔ] ‘short’ (296
Page 313 and 314:
PAN *kálih ‘dig (out)’ > PBB *
Page 315 and 316:
*măriʔ, *pāriʔ ‘go back, retu
Page 317 and 318:
A. Table 19. Distribution of Sound
Page 319 and 320:
3. The contrast between full and re
Page 321 and 322:
**kăjaʔ ‘leg’ Proto Bidayuh *
Page 323 and 324:
**ridiʔ, **radiʔ ‘thin’ Proto
Page 325 and 326:
Another change (Group F) has affect
Page 327 and 328:
**tăkiʔ ‘excrement’ Proto Bid
Page 329 and 330:
7 A final word In these pages we ha
Page 331 and 332:
Serasot batuh, Grogo batuh, Stass b
Page 333 and 334:
Proto Bakati’ *ampun ‘cloud’
Page 335 and 336:
Proto Bakati’ *sawa 1ʔ ‘year
Page 337 and 338:
təŋən (kəyuh), təŋəy, Bratak
Page 339 and 340:
PHN *balat ‘banana species’ (co
Page 341 and 342:
manuk (ʔ is the more common reflex
Page 343 and 344:
Bukar-Sadong siok [siyɔk], Bunan s
Page 345 and 346:
Rara kampawaʔ ‘spider’. Ribun-
Page 347 and 348:
mbak, Biatah ubak, Bistaang baːk,
Page 349 and 350:
Tebakang pămpi, Bukar-Sadong pămp
Page 351 and 352:
Proto Land Dayak **isuk Proto Biday
Page 353 and 354:
Proto Bidayuh *pŭduh, *pudun ‘ga
Page 355 and 356:
unclear whether these forms reflect
Page 357 and 358:
Proto Bakati’ *ŋayo 2 ‘scratch
Page 359 and 360:
Proto Bakati’ *[m]uɲu 1ŋ ‘sit
Page 361 and 362:
Biatah aran, Bistaang ran, Benuk (a
Page 363 and 364:
Proto Bidayuh *jătuːʔ ‘fall’
Page 365 and 366:
PMP *Ra-[n]+dut ‘pull out’ Prot
Page 367 and 368:
Proto Bidayuh *ku/ŋi/ni-suː̼ ̼
Page 369 and 370:
mamuh, Biatah māmuh, Bistaang mām
Page 371 and 372:
Proto Bakati’ *ɡulu 1k ‘laugh
Page 373 and 374:
PMP *uDahik ‘go upstream’ Proto
Page 375 and 376:
Rais dăyəh, Tringgus Bireng dăy
Page 377 and 378:
Serambu sipot, Bratak sipot, Seraso
Page 379 and 380:
Bibengih pădi, Sangking isih pădi
Page 381 and 382:
sănduk, Bibengih sănduk, Sangking
Page 383 and 384:
Serasot ɲuop, Grogo ɲuop, Stass
Page 385 and 386:
PAN (D) *musipa ‘chew betel’, P
Page 387 and 388:
Proto Land Dayak **dāyuŋ Proto Bi
Page 389 and 390:
Tringgus Raya mīrih, Tringgus Bire
Page 391 and 392:
Proto Bidayuh *ănjan ‘ladder’
Page 393 and 394:
dukoh, Ribun-A duku a h, Semandang
Page 395 and 396:
Proto Bakati’ *saribu 1 ‘one th
Page 397 and 398:
Proto Bakati’ *aŋho 2 ‘long’
Page 399 and 400:
Proto Bakati’ *sunu 1 ‘dull’
Page 401 and 402:
Proto Land Dayak **insək, **in[s]i
Page 403 and 404:
Tringgus Raya ɲama, Tringgus Biren
Page 405 and 406:
kudu, Biatah kudu, Bistaang kădu,
Page 407 and 408:
PAN *kamí Proto Bidayuh-Bakati’
Page 409 and 410:
məndam, Biatah birăndam, Sapug m
Page 411 and 412:
Proto Bakati’ *ka sada 1n ‘insi
Page 413 and 414:
Proto Bidayuh-Bakati’ *bădaʔ Pr
Page 415 and 416:
*băɡəːʔ many (things) (299) *b
Page 417 and 418:
*jan, *ăjan, *ijan, *ŭjan, *jen,
Page 419 and 420:
*mūsiŋ, *pūsiŋ, *pūsin, *mūsi
Page 421 and 422:
*sădeʔ, *sĭdeʔ, *sudiʔ, *sŭde
Page 423 and 424:
B.2 Proto Bakati’ *aba 1k head (7
Page 425 and 426:
*ŋ/ɲito 1ŋ count (294) *ŋoo 1t
Page 427 and 428:
*pVriok cooking pot (223) *pV̆teː
Page 429 and 430:
**nāŋ-kap, **nāŋ-kəp, **da-kup
Page 431 and 432:
**tubəh 1, **tə̆bəh tuba plant
Page 433 and 434:
chew betel 244 chicken 56 child 255
Page 435 and 436:
kill 201, 129 kingfisher 52 kiss 11
Page 437 and 438:
soot 226 soul 236, 181 sound 181 so
Page 439 and 440:
1 Introduction PART IV A Classifica
Page 441 and 442:
Gunam: Dayak Ribun (Parindu, Sangga
Page 443 and 444:
c) Denasalization of final nasals.
Page 445 and 446:
3 Sub-grouping of the varieties of
Page 447 and 448:
Sub-group IV, Moro Betung and Saham
Page 449 and 450:
*bănaʔ ‘wind’ Tanap bonoʔ, S
Page 451 and 452:
*tājə ‘dull’ Bidayuh *tājə,
Page 453 and 454:
It is this third lexical pattern th
Page 455 and 456:
*Vnto ‘this’ Semirau ənto, Tan
Page 457 and 458:
A. Satu Kome Semirau Tanggung Upe k
Page 459 and 460:
Leminang ntoh N. Mongkok nto Selamp
Page 461 and 462:
Kembayan (A) Empodis kohosiyak tahi
Page 463 and 464:
*…uk *manuk (47) *tutuk (81) *ruk
Page 465 and 466:
Semirau nokᵑ dayukᵑ Tanggung no
Page 467 and 468:
In open syllables and before the ve
Page 469 and 470:
Ribun (A) ntileʸʔ ŋombeʸʔ Guna
Page 471 and 472:
Semirau jotuk oko omo Tanggung jotu
Page 473 and 474:
N. Mongkok botuh omuh abuʰ Selampo
Page 475 and 476:
*baik ‘good’ Tanap baek, Semong
Page 477 and 478:
6 Sound changes that have impacted
Page 479 and 480:
*piʔin, *paʔin ‘water’ Ambawa
Page 481 and 482:
*m-ədəp ‘alive, green’ Tanap
Page 483 and 484:
*jĭraɁ ‘tongue’ Tanap jiroɁ,
Page 485 and 486:
Appendix IV—Cognate sets *dărəd
Page 487 and 488:
*săwaʔ ‘year’ Bidayuh *săwa
Page 489 and 490:
Ntoloʔ, Engkahan Ntuloʔ, Selampon
Page 491 and 492:
Ribun (Hudson) motuh, Gunam motuh,
Page 493 and 494:
*niŋaʔ ‘look, watch’ Bidayuh
Page 495 and 496:
Engkahan bənalik, Tanap baliaʔ, S
Page 497 and 498:
*tikam ‘throw’ Ribun nikam, Nan
Page 499 and 500:
Leminang nampar, Nangka Mongkok tam
Page 501 and 502:
Bidayuh *sāma:ʔ, Mandong maʔ, Ba
Page 503 and 504:
Nangka Mongkok limaʔ, Selampong li
Page 505 and 506:
*tumpul ‘dull’ Ambawang Satu tu
Page 507 and 508:
*m-udup Nanga Rakan mudup, Lubuk Ta
Page 509 and 510:
may be related to the immediately p
Page 511 and 512:
*timul ‘float’ Mandong timul, B
Page 513 and 514:
References Adat Bidayuh 1994, Saraw
Page 515 and 516:
Hickling, Hugh. 1959. Sarawak and I
Page 517:
Shelford, Robert W. (1916) 1985. A
show all

The Bidayuh Language Yesterday, Today and ... - SIL International

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?