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Staring how we look sobre la mirada.pdf - artecolonial

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A SOCIAL RELATIONSHIP 41<br />

But human dominance staring is usually more complex than chest<br />

pounding. Often staring as a manifestation of dominance veils aggression<br />

with a restraint enabled by the hierarchy the staring enacts. In other words,<br />

a harsh stare can do the work of a foot on the neck because the subordinate<br />

accedes to the system of domination that is in p<strong>la</strong>ce. Take, for example,<br />

the much analyzed concept of the male gaze, which feminism has fruitfully<br />

e<strong>la</strong>borated. 12 The male gaze is a position of privilege in social re<strong>la</strong>tions which<br />

entitles men to <strong>look</strong> at women and positions women as objects of that <strong>look</strong>.<br />

As John Berger succinctly puts it: “men act, women appear” (1972, 47). In<br />

other words, the male gaze is men doing something to women. This ocu<strong>la</strong>r<br />

gesture of dominance acts out the gendered asymmetries of patriarchy as<br />

it proliferates in institutionalized cultural forms such as films, beauty contests,<br />

advertising, striptease routines, and fashion s<strong>how</strong>s. Laden with sexual<br />

desire, predation, voyeurism, intimidation, and entitlement, the male gaze<br />

often achieves the prolonged intensity of staring. Nonetheless, cultural narratives<br />

about romantic love, feminine beauty, and heterosexual or homosexual<br />

desire can obscure the male gaze’s endorsement of gender dominance.<br />

Both individual intention and reception of the male gaze can thus depart<br />

from gender scripts, as for example when women relish the arousing aspects<br />

of being the object of the male stare or men intend their stares as affirming<br />

feminine attractiveness. Simply flipping through any women’s fashion<br />

magazine confirms the way that erotic narratives mask po<strong>we</strong>r re<strong>la</strong>tions implicated<br />

in heterosexual re<strong>la</strong>tions of intense <strong>look</strong>ing.<br />

This theory of a regu<strong>la</strong>ting visual dynamic describes masculine and feminine<br />

positions, not necessarily actual people. Not all men can or do exercise<br />

the male gaze, and women are often posed to cast a surveying <strong>look</strong> on<br />

themselves—as before the mirror, for example—or to identify with the male<br />

position, as in watching another woman in a movie. So the male gaze not<br />

only occurs in lived gendered re<strong>la</strong>tions such as a man leering at strippers, but<br />

also when women <strong>look</strong> at one another from both heterosexual and lesbian<br />

positions. Regardless of which sex the partners in the exchange identify with,<br />

<strong>look</strong>ing masculinizes, then, and being <strong>look</strong>ed at feminizes. Moreover, this<br />

gendered dynamic is part of the set of social practices that call us into being<br />

as men or women (Sturken and Cartwright 2001, 70; Butler, 1990). 13 We internalize<br />

and identify with the gender system’s requirements in the same way<br />

that the modern subject described by Michel Foucault (1979) agrees to selfmonitoring.<br />

In other words, the male gaze as a form of dominance staring<br />

makes us into men and women.<br />

The opposite of staring as a dominance disp<strong>la</strong>y is smiling. Studies suggest<br />

that smiling not only mitigates hostility perceived by a staree but also signals<br />

a response of submission in a starer (Ellyson and Dovido 1985, 143; Rutter<br />

1984). Smiling, like staring, is a way to manage the uneven distribution of

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