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Staring how we look sobre la mirada.pdf - artecolonial

Staring how we look sobre la mirada.pdf - artecolonial

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102 SCENES OF STARING<br />

and make sense of faces. As newborns, <strong>we</strong> learn very early to recognize our<br />

mother’s face. Adults can discriminate among thousands of faces. Our capacity<br />

to stare interpretively at faces is a fundamental form of social capital<br />

that enables human flourishing. People adapt facial recognition strategies<br />

to fit their situations. African Americans, for example, tend to develop superior<br />

emotion recognition compared to whites (Zebrowitz 1997, 28). The<br />

supposed intuition and emotional fluency of women may develop from their<br />

traditionally subordinated status. Blindness or low vision asks us to rely on<br />

alternative sensory clues that staring provides to the sighted. In contrast,<br />

certain brain injuries or conditions such as autism may inhibit people from<br />

recognizing emotion on another’s face, creating social disability. Prosopagnosia,<br />

a brain injury causing the inability to recognize faces, often prevents<br />

people from knowing they are being stared at and leaves them unable to<br />

sustain human re<strong>la</strong>tionships (McNeill 1988, 86). The staring re<strong>la</strong>tionship is,<br />

then, a central arena in which <strong>we</strong> recognize the inner lives of one another<br />

and are recognized in turn.<br />

The visual architecture of recognition—of distinguishing among faces<br />

and their meanings—abounds with challenges. Constancy and homogeneity<br />

pose problems for visual perception of faces. What cognitive psychologists<br />

call the “object constancy problem” involves the difficulties in<br />

recognizing objects as perspective, lighting, distance, and other contextual<br />

factors change over time (Rhodes and Tremewan 1994). In other words,<br />

<strong>how</strong> do I know my mother both when I am at her breast and when she<br />

is across the room chatting with her friends? Moreover, <strong>how</strong> can I know<br />

my mother both when she is <strong>la</strong>ughing and frowning? The “homogeneity<br />

problem” arises in visual cognition when objects share a configuration. The<br />

visual patterning of faces is very simi<strong>la</strong>r. What makes a face a face is its<br />

regu<strong>la</strong>rity, its predictable shape, allocation, and arrangement of features. In<br />

philosophical terms, homogeneity determines the face’s essence. Our cognitive<br />

task is to differentiate among simi<strong>la</strong>r configurations, to recognize<br />

a face as a face but also as a specific face. Reading and recognizing faces<br />

demands negotiating bet<strong>we</strong>en the universal and the particu<strong>la</strong>r, bet<strong>we</strong>en the<br />

parts and the whole. The problem of the typical face is recognizing it as a particu<strong>la</strong>r<br />

face. The problem of the distinctive face is recognizing it as a face. The<br />

problem of the distinctive feature is <strong>how</strong> it affects perception of the whole.<br />

The problem of the facial gestalt is <strong>how</strong> to find the nuances of individual<br />

features. The intense visual work of staring at faces is then both a cognitive<br />

and an epistemological undertaking. When <strong>we</strong> <strong>look</strong> at another person, <strong>we</strong><br />

seek to know much. Is this a face? Do I know this face? Whose face is this?<br />

Does this face know me? What is this face’s response to me? What does this<br />

face mean? Does this face matter to me? What re<strong>la</strong>tion do I have to this face<br />

now and what will it be in the future?

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