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Staring how we look sobre la mirada.pdf - artecolonial

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FACES 103<br />

Familiarity determines our ability to know faces. All people, for example,<br />

are poorer at recognizing faces from races other than their own. Experiments<br />

that distort photos of faces by changing the spatial re<strong>la</strong>tions among components<br />

confuse face perception. We also have trouble recognizing inverted faces<br />

but not inverted objects. Visual perception studies suggest that <strong>we</strong> recognize<br />

faces as undifferentiated wholes rather than by way of their constituent parts<br />

(Peterson and Rhodes 2003). Such research suggests that competent, efficient<br />

facial recognition depends on encountering faces that meet certain<br />

visual expectations. In other words, an internalized facial norm shaped by<br />

culture—what psychologists call “norm based coding”—determines facial<br />

legibility (Rhodes and Tremewan 1994, 279). As long as <strong>we</strong> are seeing the<br />

kinds of faces <strong>we</strong> are accustomed to coming across, visual cognition and<br />

the social re<strong>la</strong>tions that accompany them go smoothly. The unexpected face<br />

confounds us, presses us—and thus makes us stare. This visual indeterminacy<br />

is more than a cognitive problem, <strong>how</strong>ever. Illegible faces are a social<br />

problem, too.<br />

FACE-WORK<br />

What sociologist Erving Goffman calls “face-work” demands staring. Facework<br />

extends both reading and recognizing faces into an interactive social<br />

drama of self-management and status negotiation. Face-work is an exacting<br />

interchange of mutual scrutiny, adjustment, call, and response in which<br />

visual vigi<strong>la</strong>nce is crucial. Because <strong>we</strong> recognize ourselves in the faces of<br />

others, <strong>we</strong> often seek out faces <strong>we</strong> suspect will tell us what <strong>we</strong> want or need<br />

to know about who <strong>we</strong> are in the social world. In this process, <strong>we</strong> first visually<br />

identify a face with which <strong>we</strong> want to engage and then stare at it<br />

intently to discern its response to the face <strong>we</strong> have put forward. Goffman’s<br />

work emphasizes that such face-work is more than simple individualized<br />

communication; rather, the ways that <strong>we</strong> stare at one another are highly<br />

ritualized ceremonies of regard acted out anew in each staring encounter<br />

(Goffman et al. 1988).<br />

Face-work is exacting and potentially perilous. We can be “out of face” if<br />

<strong>we</strong> are unprepared to perform according to expected conventions (Goffman<br />

1982, 8). We are in the “wrong face” when information surfaces that threatens<br />

the face <strong>we</strong> put forward. We try to use the social tool Goffman calls<br />

“poise” to conceal any shamefacedness that comes from having the wrong<br />

face or being out of face. Failures of poise can be, for example, faltering conversational<br />

fluency like forgetting someone’s name, the emergence of unf<strong>la</strong>ttering<br />

information such as a lost job, or breaches of c<strong>la</strong>ss etiquette such

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