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Chapter 9: Prejudice: Disliking Others (2947.0K) - Bad Request

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a need to be liked and accepted. Thus, people become more likely to favor (or<br />

oppose) discrimination after hearing someone else do so, and they are less supportive<br />

of women after hearing sexist humor (Ford & others, 2008; Zitek &<br />

Hebl, 2007).<br />

During the 1950s, Thomas Pettigrew (1958) studied Whites in South Africa and<br />

the American South. His discovery: Those who conformed most to other social<br />

norms were also most prejudiced; those who were less conforming mirrored less of<br />

the surrounding prejudice.<br />

The price of nonconformity was painfully clear to the ministers of Little Rock,<br />

Arkansas, where the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 school desegregation decision was<br />

implemented. Most ministers privately favored integration but feared that advocating<br />

it openly would decrease membership and financial contributions (Campbell &<br />

Pettigrew, 1959). Or consider the Indiana steelworkers and West Virginia coal miners<br />

of the same era. In the mills and the mines, the workers accepted integration. In<br />

the neighborhoods, the norm was rigid segregation (Minard, 1952; Reitzes, 1953).<br />

<strong>Prejudice</strong> was clearly not a manifestation of “sick” personalities but simply of the<br />

social norms.<br />

Conformity also maintains gender prejudice. “If we have come to think that<br />

the nursery and the kitchen are the natural sphere of a woman,” wrote George<br />

Bernard Shaw in an 1891 essay, “we have done so exactly as English children come<br />

to think that a cage is the natural sphere of a parrot—because they have never<br />

seen one anywhere else.” Children who have seen women elsewhere—children of<br />

employed women—have expressed less stereotyped views of men and women<br />

(Hoffman, 1977). Women students exposed to female science, technology, engineering,<br />

and mathematics (STEM) experts likewise express more positive implicit<br />

attitudes toward STEM studies and display more effort on STEM tests (Stout &<br />

others, 2011).<br />

In all this, there is a message of hope. If prejudice is not deeply ingrained in personality,<br />

then as fashions change and new norms evolve, prejudice can diminish.<br />

And so it has.<br />

Institutional Supports<br />

Social institutions (schools, government, media) may bolster prejudice through<br />

overt policies such as segregation, or by passively reinforcing the status quo. Until<br />

the 1970s many banks routinely denied mortgages to unmarried women and to<br />

minority applicants, with the result that most homeowners were White married<br />

couples. Similarly, political leaders may both reflect and reinforce prevailing<br />

attitudes.<br />

Schools are one of the institutions most prone to reinforce dominant cultural attitudes.<br />

An analysis of stories in 134 children’s readers written before 1970 found that<br />

male characters outnumbered female characters three to one (Women on Words<br />

and Images, 1972). Who was portrayed as showing initiative, bravery, and competence?<br />

Note the answer in this excerpt from the classic Dick and Jane children’s<br />

reader: Jane, sprawled out on the sidewalk, her roller skates beside her, listens as<br />

Mark explains to his mother:<br />

“She cannot skate,” said Mark.<br />

“I can help her.<br />

“I want to help her.<br />

“Look at her, Mother.<br />

“Just look at her.<br />

“She’s just like a girl.<br />

“She gives up.”<br />

Institutional supports for prejudice, like that reader, are often unintended and<br />

unnoticed. Not until the 1970s, when changing ideas about males and females<br />

<strong>Prejudice</strong> <strong>Chapter</strong> 9 323

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