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Chapter 9: Prejudice: Disliking Others (2947.0K) - Bad Request

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314 Part Three Social Relations<br />

In several American states,<br />

Black motorists have<br />

represented a minority of<br />

the drivers and speeders on<br />

interstate highways, yet they<br />

have been most often stopped<br />

and searched by state police<br />

(Lamberth, 1998; Staples,<br />

1999a, 1999b). In one New<br />

Jersey Turnpike study, Blacks<br />

made up 13.5 percent of the<br />

car occupants, 15 percent of<br />

the speeders, and 35 percent<br />

of the drivers stopped.<br />

FIGURE :: 9.2<br />

Facing <strong>Prejudice</strong><br />

Where does the anger disappear?<br />

Kurt Hugenberg and Galen<br />

Bodenhausen showed university<br />

students a movie of faces<br />

morphing from angry to happy.<br />

Those who had scored as most<br />

prejudiced (on an implicit racial<br />

attitudes test) perceived anger<br />

lingering more in ambiguous<br />

Black than White faces.<br />

activities included being “Treasurer, Gay and Lesbian Alliance,” received<br />

replies, as did 11.5 percent of those associated with a different left-seeming<br />

group (“Treasurer, Progressive and Socialist Alliance”).<br />

• In one analysis of traffic stops, African Americans and Latinos were four<br />

times more likely than Whites to be searched, twice as likely to be arrested,<br />

and three times more likely to be handcuffed and to have excessive force<br />

used against them (Lichtblau, 2005).<br />

Modern prejudice even appears as a race sensitivity that leads to exaggerated<br />

reactions to isolated minority persons—overpraising their accomplishments, overcriticizing<br />

their mistakes, and failing to warn Black students, as they would White<br />

students, about potential academic difficulty (Crosby & Monin, 2007; Fiske, 1989;<br />

Hart & Morry, 1997; Hass & others, 1991).<br />

It also appears as patronization. For example, Kent Harber (1998) gave White<br />

students at Stanford University a poorly written essay to evaluate. When the students<br />

thought the writer was Black, they rated it higher than when they were led to<br />

think the author was White, and they rarely offered harsh criticisms. The evaluators,<br />

perhaps wanting to avoid the appearance of bias, patronized the Black essayists<br />

with lower standards. Such “inflated praise and insufficient criticism” may hinder<br />

minority student achievement, Harber noted. In follow-up research, Harber and his<br />

colleagues (2010) found that Whites concerned about appearing biased not only rate<br />

and comment more favorably on weak essays attributed to Black students, they also<br />

recommend less time for skill development. To protect their own self-image as unprejudiced,<br />

they bend over backward to give positive and unchallenging feedback.<br />

AUTOMATIC PREJUDICE<br />

How widespread are automatic prejudiced reactions to African Americans? Experiments<br />

have shown such reactions in varied contexts. For example, in clever experiments<br />

by Anthony Greenwald and his colleagues (1998, 2000), 9 in 10 White people<br />

took longer to identify pleasant words (such as peace and paradise ) as “good” when<br />

associated with Black rather than White faces. The participants consciously expressed<br />

little or no prejudice; their bias was unconscious and unintended. Moreover, report<br />

Kurt Hugenberg and Galen Bodenhausen (2003), the more strongly people exhibit such<br />

implicit prejudice, the readier they are to perceive anger in Black faces ( Figure 9.2 ).<br />

a. b. c. d.<br />

i. j. k. l.

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