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114<br />

This increased reliance has exceeded the capacity of the existing military satellite system. To<br />

meet the demand, the US Department of Defense has partnered with a range of allied military,<br />

commercial and civil systems. However, this has introduced further potential vulnerabilities. 19<br />

One such vulnerability was exploited on multiple occasions in 2007 and 2008 when computer<br />

hackers, allegedly linked to the Chinese military, interfered with two US Government satellites<br />

used for climate and terrain observation through a ground station in Norway. 20<br />

Under international law, all space powers have unimpeded satellite over-flight of all other<br />

nations, as well as the freedom to manoeuvre their satellites close to another state’s space<br />

assets. The US approach has been to achieve information and space dominance by fielding a<br />

greater number of more advanced technologies than its competitors. 21 However, it is evident<br />

that several other states are increasingly intent on developing the capability to degrade<br />

satellite-enabled systems. 22<br />

The five major disruption methods are anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons, high altitude<br />

electromagnetic pulse weapons, high-power microwave weapons, jamming and spoofing,<br />

and cyber-attacks. The world has already seen the results of some of these capabilities. For<br />

example, China proved its ASAT capabilities with the destruction of one of its own weather<br />

satellites in 2007 and by the manoeuvring of its own satellites next to one another in 2010. 23<br />

The rate of Chinese advancements in ASAT technologies, including ground-based laser systems,<br />

makes it inevitable that they will possess the ability to target the mid-earth orbit, where GPS<br />

satellites are located. The ability of China to identify and track satellites is also improving—a<br />

prerequisite for conducting counter-space operations.<br />

These abilities, combined with the space-based systems that China is currently establishing in<br />

order to become self-reliant, mean that the threat of a degraded information environment is<br />

very real. 24<br />

Impact on the battlefield<br />

The impact of degraded space systems will vary, depending on the scale and type of attack.<br />

A small-scale strike may consist of limited electronic-warfare jamming, using relatively<br />

inexpensive equipment with effective ranges up to 200 kilometres. 25 Such an attack could<br />

degrade GPS and communication signals within an area of operations. A large-scale attack,<br />

where both ground-based and space-based platforms are disabled or destroyed, could result<br />

in the almost total elimination of space-enabled capabilities in an area of operations. If caught<br />

unprepared, the latter scenario—while probably not achievable by any potential adversary<br />

until later this decade at the earliest—would certainly cripple most allied operations. 26<br />

The effects of disrupting GPS, by targeting satellite-enabled systems, would be felt most in the<br />

C 2 of allied forces in a theatre of operations. Yet US operating concepts such as network-centric<br />

warfare 27 and ‘Enhanced Marine Air-Ground Task Force Operations’ 28 are largely based on the<br />

assumption of assured C 2 . The reality, which potential adversaries clearly realise, is that these<br />

concepts may become untenable in a degraded information environment. Recent Chinese<br />

doctrine, for example, has identified information warfare as integral to achieving information<br />

dominance by targeting C 2 networks. 29 Indeed, China’s emergent ability to destroy or disrupt<br />

key elements of an adversary’s battle network has the potential to seriously degrade allied<br />

power-projection operations. 30

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