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Dalia Ofer.pdf - WNLibrary

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fa ESCAPING THE HOLOCAUST<br />

employment as a whole. The White Paper introduced unemployment among<br />

Arabs as grounds for halting aliyah, which would resume only after the reentry<br />

of unemployed Arabs into the work force.<br />

The Jews argued that in the Arab economy (which was predominantly<br />

agricultural) seasonal unemployment was common; consequently, Arab<br />

workers turned to urban employment only during the off-season, making it<br />

difficult to accurately determine the extent of unemployment. Moreover,<br />

given the imbalance in size of the Arab and Jewish sectors and the slow<br />

modernization of the Palestine economy, the possibility existed that the<br />

Arab work force could supply all the manpower needs of the Jewish sector<br />

in developing the country, a possibility made all the more likely by the<br />

frequent migrations of large numbers of Arabs from neighboring countries.<br />

The impact of the 1930 White Paper would be to curtail Jewish labor immigration<br />

entirely.<br />

In 1931, the British acceded to the Jewish request that the two economies<br />

be treated independently, as before. The Zionist Organization rallied British<br />

public opinion and the British press and successfully persuaded the government<br />

to retract its stated position. In a letter to Chaim Weizmann, the president<br />

of the Zionist Organization, Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald,<br />

confirmed that Britain intended to fulfill the policy first enunciated in the<br />

Balfour Declaration, in effect nullifying the restrictions introduced in the 1930<br />

White Paper.<br />

The 1930 White Paper provoked the Zionist leadership further in its introduction<br />

of the concept of "political limits to Jewish immigration." The<br />

White Paper claimed that previous immigration policy had intensified Arab<br />

distrust of Britain and aggravated Arab suspicion of Zionist intentions, thus<br />

hindering a reconciliation between Jews and Arabs. In so doing, the White<br />

Paper assigned Jewish immigration a political weight, though at this stage<br />

measures addressing it as such had not been proposed.<br />

During the 1930s, the British authorities and the Jewish Agency clashed<br />

repeatedly over the absorptive capacity of the labor market in Palestine and<br />

over the labor aliyah quota dependent on it. In years of economic depression<br />

as well as in prosperous ones, British approval of immigration certificates fell<br />

far short of Jewish Agency requests; at most 50 percent and as little as 20<br />

percent of requests were granted. With the outbreak of the Arab Revolt<br />

(1936-38), economic considerations gave way to political ones. The Mandatory<br />

government set out to restructure the immigration schedules as a<br />

whole, fixing as a maximum limit 4,450 certificates for the six-month period<br />

March to September 1936—a substantial decrease compared to the total of<br />

18,000 set for the previous six months.<br />

The Peel Commission report, published in July 1937, imposed explicitly<br />

political considerations on further aliyah. In a special regulation, it enabled<br />

the high commissioner to set an absolute maximum on the number of immigrants<br />

and to establish limits within each category. This regulation was<br />

intended to remain in force for one year (from July 1937 to August 1938).<br />

The Peel Commission report also recommended a partition plan for Palestine,

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