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220 ALIYAH, RESCUE, AND THE FINAL SOLUTION, 1942 TO 1944
Sofia, unlike Bucharest, was not anti-Semitic and favored Jewish emigration,
believing that would relieve Bulgaria of German pressure to deport its Jews.
On 23 November 1942, Oliver Stanley replaced Lord Cranborne as colonial
secretary. His appointment was accompanied by discussions in the
Colonial Office on the Jewish refugee issue. The point was raised that a British
initiative to bring large numbers of Bulgarian Jews to Palestine might silence
pressure groups demanding an end to British inaction and thus benefit the
government. This proposition seemed to combine mild daring with stodgy
adherence to the White Paper, yet it would be accepted with alacrity by the
Zionists and their supporters. 6 The plan was supported in the Cabinet Committee
on the Refugees, which was established on 23 December in the wake
of Eden's declaration on the plight of European Jewry and the punishment
of Nazis after the war ended for their criminal acts. The high commissioner,
who early in December had opposed the entry of enemy aliens, was instructed
to act in accordance with the secretary's orders. Winston Churchill enthusiastically
welcomed the proposal, and it was approved by the Cabinet on 14
December 1942. 7 Two days later, the Foreign Office asked the Swiss government,
representing British interests in Bulgaria, to transmit the British request
to Sofia. On 14 January, exactly one month from the British Cabinet's decision,
the Bulgarian government approved the plan. Both adults and children
would be allowed to emigrate, and the British were urged to act swiftly,
despite "technical" difficulties. The nature of such problems was not explicitly
stated, but the Swiss envoy explained that the Bulgarians were eager to
forestall a German plan to deport Jews. 8
The Foreign and Colonial Offices did not, however, take sufficient notice
of the stress on urgency. Instead, they embarked on routine procedures to
draw up the lists of children, with their names and addresses. This was done
in conjunction with the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem and its representatives
in Sofia, the immigration office of the Mandatory administration in Palestine,
the Passport Control Office of the British consulate in Istanbul (PCO), the
Swiss envoy in Sofia, and the government of Bulgaria.
This procedure usually lasted about nine weeks; in wartime, considerably
longer. The Jewish Agency immediately lodged a request to simplify the
procedure by granting a priori approval to the lists to be submitted by the
Swiss envoy in Sofia. 9 The Agency's request, however, was itself put through
channels, though it was not answered by the end of March.
The original plan was to transport the children by train from Sofia to
Istanbul, and then by sea to Palestine. 10 The British ambassador in Ankara,
Knatchbull-Hugessen, was therefore instructed to appeal to the Turkish authorities
for cooperation. The colonial secretary intended to announce the
rescue plan in Parliament after Bulgarian approval was granted, but he had
to wait for Turkish consent. Impatient, he instructed the Ankara ambassador
to press the Turks and emphasize that London and Washington wanted help
given to Jewish refugees and might be expected to show appreciation. 11 The
Turkish answer was a qualified yes. Thus, by the beginning of February, the