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Dalia Ofer.pdf - WNLibrary

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26 ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION IN THE FIRST YEARS OF WORLD WAR II<br />

Zionists, also argued that further immigration should not proceed as long as<br />

the pressing economic situation continued. He recommended that money for<br />

European refugee relief be paid out of funds in European accounts earmarked<br />

for Palestine that were now blocked because of wartime currency-transfer<br />

restrictions.<br />

Indeed, Palestine was in the midst of an economic recession that continued<br />

to worsen during the first years of the war. It had been in an economic<br />

recession since the end of 1937, and income per capita had decreased since<br />

then at a rate of ten percent per year. The economic situation deteriorated<br />

further in the first months of the war because it was almost impossible to<br />

export goods to Europe—especially citrus, the economy's chief cash crop. 4<br />

The Jewish Agency's treasury was quite limited. It depended primarily on<br />

contributions given to the national funds and on special fund-raising drives<br />

in the Diaspora. It had no authority to tax the Yishuv population; sales tax<br />

and other forms of taxation went to the Mandate government. The Jewish<br />

Agency could propose voluntary taxation of the Jewish community, which it<br />

had done since the summer of 1938, and it could also ask the government to<br />

support it in special loans. Once the war started, however, its treasury budgets<br />

shrank from 811,514 Palestinian pounds in 1939 to 799,117 in 1940.<br />

Ben-Gurion, for his part, disagreed with Kaplan's conclusions. However,<br />

he understood Kaplan's reasoning given his responsibility as treasurer and<br />

his reading of Palestine's economic constraints. 5 In a report to the Mapai<br />

political committee, he characterized the Agency debate as being of fundamental<br />

significance, pitting pragmatic Zionists against visionary Zionists. 6<br />

Among the visionaries, Ben-Gurion noted, were those who argued that aliyah<br />

was not a means, but rather an end in itself with the purely humane purpose<br />

of saving lives.<br />

Among the members of Mapai, this view was echoed. Yitzhak Ben-Aharon<br />

rebuked the kibbutz movement for yielding to economic considerations rather<br />

than accept new immigrants and called these actions a grotesque distortion<br />

of Zionism. 7 Aaron Zisling noted that Palestine was relatively well off, with<br />

but a few actually threatened with hunger. He contended that "Anyone who<br />

calls for a halt in immigration at a time [like this] negates our very right to<br />

stand on this soil." Shmuel Dayan reiterated this view, arguing that continued<br />

aliyah took precedence over the Yishuv's economic development, even should<br />

it jeopardize that drive. He stated that "We here are no more privileged nor<br />

entitled to any more than Jews elsewhere. .. . There is no choice; aliyah must<br />

continue." 8 Bed Katznelson objected to the discussion of aliyah bet in terms<br />

of utilitarian calculations. Aliyah and rescue, he argued, had to be viewed as<br />

a historic movement, an expression of instinctive feelings of national unity,<br />

common destiny, and mutual responsibility. Rescue and immigration could<br />

not be judged in terms of success or failure. They were their own justification. 9<br />

The Yishuv had put forth the plan to aid the 2,600 refugees in response<br />

to the new needs arising from the war in late 1939. However, those opposing<br />

and supporting the plan on economic and ethical grounds were not of a single<br />

mind on the issue of aliyah bet in general. These were their stances in this

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