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Dalia Ofer.pdf - WNLibrary

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A Time of Transition: Aliyah bet, Fall 1944 305<br />

ditions continued to grow less benign for the rescue mission, particularly once<br />

the WRB representative left Constantinople. (Indeed, Hirschmann no longer<br />

saw the need for illegal immigration, since the Balkan countries had been<br />

liberated.) The instructions from Palestine were to continue as before, to<br />

seek continued Turkish cooperation, but to prepare the boats for a Mediterranean<br />

crossing just in case: in other words, "aliyah by any means." 42<br />

By December 1944, the Palestine Zionists were interested in a return to<br />

the methods of 1939, though on a grander scale and with better support. A<br />

struggle for free aliyah was the policy of the Agency, the Histadrut, and the<br />

Mossad. This meant not only a political struggle as such, but the physical<br />

organization of aliyah operations through a joint mobilization of the immigrants<br />

themselves and the Jewish public in Palestine. Aliyah bet became a<br />

factor of consensus and unity among Zionists. The total immigration figure<br />

for the period from October to December was slim, however. Only 3,317<br />

certificates were utilized—less than the legally allowable 1,500 per month.<br />

About half the total figure was represented by the Salah-a-Din and Taurus<br />

groups. The supporters of aliyah bet claimed that, with the proper backing,<br />

it could be the most effective means of bringing Jews into the country. But<br />

Agami complained in December and January of insufficient funds and of a<br />

cutback in the amount of credit available to him, the result of his failure to<br />

repay debts. 43<br />

The first months of 1945 were extremely cold in Rumania, and basic<br />

necessities were scarcer than ever. Widespread starvation threatened the population.<br />

Meanwhile, refugees crossing into Rumania from Hungary and Poland<br />

related details of anti-Semitic violence being committed against Jewish<br />

survivors attempting to return to their former homes. They appealed to Agami<br />

and Zimend to become involved in bricha: helping Jews to escape from<br />

Eastern Europe. 44 Agami agreed, believing that the growth of the Jewish<br />

refugee population in Rumania would create greater pressure on the authorities.<br />

He demanded greater funding from Palestine, as well as the assignment<br />

of new emissaries to help him handle the expanding Rumanian<br />

operation.<br />

In spite of all his efforts, however, Agami could not overcome the mounting<br />

difficulties: confiscation of boats, denial of permission to dock, new fees<br />

demanded for the use of dry-dock facilities, orders forbidding the registration<br />

of immigration applicants, and more. There was little doubt that Soviet opposition<br />

lay behind all of this. 45 As the bricha turned from a trickle to a<br />

stream, it was decided to direct the refugees toward Yugoslavia and Italy.<br />

The Stara-Zagora Affair<br />

The rescue mission sought to renew overland routes via Bulgaria to Turkey,<br />

and finally by rail to Palestine. Two groups of children had used this route<br />

in January and March 1943. During 1944, nine families a week took this route,<br />

as did other families and individuals who obtained travel documents by various

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