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Notes on computational linguistics.pdf - UCLA Department of ...

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Stabler - Lx 185/209 2003<br />

Example: Many adjectives are “intersective” in the sense that [A N] signifies ([[A]] ∧ [[N]]). For example, Greek<br />

student signifies (Greek ∧ student). Allowing ourselves this treatment <strong>of</strong> intersective adjectives, we have<br />

Every student sings<br />

Therefore, every Greek student sings<br />

We can recognize this now as <strong>on</strong>e instance <strong>of</strong> the Q↑ rule:<br />

(sings (every student)) (student(every (Greek∧student)))<br />

sings(every (Greek∧student))<br />

The sec<strong>on</strong>d premise says that the step from the property [student] to [Greek student] is a “decrease,” and<br />

since we know ↓every, the step from the first premise to the c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> preserves truth. Notice that this does<br />

not work with other quantifiers!<br />

[↓Q]<br />

every student sings ⇒ every Greek student sings<br />

every Greek student sings ⇒ every student sings<br />

some student sings ⇒ some Greek student sings<br />

some Greek student sings⇒ some student sings<br />

exactly 1 student sings ⇒ exactly 1 Greek student sings<br />

exactly 1 Greek student sings ⇒ exactly 1 student sings<br />

240

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