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life events (Andersson 1992). According to Coleman and O’Hanlon (2004: 115) ‘Primary<br />

control involves the use of proactive strategies directed towards overcoming obstacles<br />

and attaining the individual’s chosen goals’, while ‘Secondary control refers to strategies<br />

directed towards managing and influencing emotions and perceptions’. For older<br />

people having a sense of control is linked to feeling valued and having a purpose in life.<br />

Several studies of older people moving into residential care have shown that the perception<br />

of control and self-esteem are critical components in adjusting mentally and physically<br />

to institutional living (Yoon 1996; Antonelli et al. 2000; Shyam and Yadav 2002).<br />

The link between the impact of falling and depression is well recorded. Research<br />

has shown that older people who have experienced a falls-related injury are more at risk<br />

of depression if improvement in physical function slows down (Scaf-Klomp et al. 2003).<br />

A study in Australia found that older women (aged 75 years and over) considered<br />

falls and consequential injury as great risks to their independence and quality of<br />

life. The majority declared that they ‘would rather be dead than experience the loss of<br />

independence and quality of life that results from a bad hip fracture and subsequent<br />

admission to a nursing home’ (Salkeld et al. 2000: 344).<br />

Community living older people often describe a range of different coping strategies<br />

to deal with changes in life, which may be influenced by social and cultural factors. The<br />

strategies they use can provide useful clues as to where interventions are needed. In order<br />

to develop successful mental health promotion programmes we need to consider what<br />

influences individuals’ ability to adapt and cope with loss and other changes in later life,<br />

and why some older people are better at finding new sources of self-esteem than others.<br />

Economic determinants<br />

Not having enough income or social protection in the form of old age pension can<br />

seriously affect older people’s vulnerability and consequently their mental health.<br />

Older women living alone and those who live in rural areas are particularly at risk of<br />

social exclusion, poverty and ill health. The Social Exclusion Unit (2006) highlights<br />

that many of the most excluded people are among the very old. According to the report<br />

many older people face multiple exclusions because of overlapping problems of poor<br />

housing, low income and limiting illness. The mental health risk factors linked to the<br />

economic determinants are therefore multi-faceted; loss of job and drop in income may<br />

be linked to a change of role, decreased independence and sense of self-worth.<br />

Box 7.4 Special issue in later life: retirement<br />

OLDER PEOPLE: THE RETIREMENT YEARS 185<br />

Retirement affects people’s health both positively and negatively. With retirement no<br />

longer being determined by old age, research has increasingly started defining retirement<br />

as a period of transition, rather than as entry into old age. As Johnson (2004: 40–1) puts it:<br />

Indeed, when the population of seventy-year-olds includes both the physically fit and<br />

active and the bedridden, the very wealthy and the abjectly poor, the socially connected<br />

and the socially excluded, the family figurehead and the isolated singleton,<br />

then it is no longer evident that age should be regarded as a meaningful social or<br />

economic category.

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