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14 MENTAL HEALTH PROMOTION<br />

have problems dealing with their mental world are probably best understood as victims<br />

of circumstance rather than adding to their problems by blaming them for their<br />

inabilities to cope. And if society were organized differently, then it might be possible<br />

for people to enjoy better mental health than many do at the moment.<br />

Around the world, societies clearly are different. And in consequence the overall<br />

level of mental health differs from one society to another (Wilkinson 1996, 2005), but<br />

also the meaning of ‘mental health’ alters.<br />

The fact that mental health and mental illness have been characterized by various<br />

Western authors in essentially individualistic ways says more about their cultural<br />

values, norms and academic orientation than it does about the reality of people’s mental<br />

experiences. 5 In other cultures this emphasis on individualism cannot be assumed to<br />

be the norm. In Japanese culture for example, the idea of ‘self’ is experienced as ‘one’s<br />

share of the shared life space’ – a much more interdependent notion of ‘self’ (Markus<br />

and Kitayama 1991).<br />

Another example of this cultural variation is that there are times when ‘resilience’<br />

is not appropriate – times when it is all right not to cope. And these times and circumstances<br />

are different from culture to culture (the British ‘stiff upper lip’ is not universal).<br />

In other cultures, the point at which resilience and coping become inappropriate will<br />

vary. Another variation is whether things like ‘resilience’ – or even mental health in<br />

general – is seen and experienced as a personal, social, religious or spiritual issue.<br />

Ideas about mental health and mental illness are, according to Haque (2005: 184)<br />

‘addressed minimally in Eastern cultures’. He observes that there continue to be<br />

apprehensions, myths and taboos about mental illness in the East, and in this respect,<br />

there are similarities with how it is viewed in the West. That said there are interesting<br />

and important Eastern perspectives that need to be addressed – both in this chapter and<br />

by mental health and mental health promotion services.<br />

To a large extent, this variation of ideas and experience of mental health and<br />

mental illness derives from the various religions around the world. The general belief<br />

within Islam is that mental disorders are an outcome of abandoning or neglecting of<br />

Islamic values. Similarly, within Christianity, true mental health is not possible without<br />

the right relationship with God. In Islam, the idea of balance is important – the<br />

balance between the body’s need for physical pleasure and spiritual adherence. The<br />

belief is that movement away from God causes imbalance resulting in mental malady,<br />

whereas purification of thought and deed leads a person closer to God and keeps them<br />

mentally healthy. In the Quran, the state of mental health or psychological well-being<br />

is referred to as inshirah al sadr or taqwa, and other references are made to psychological<br />

imbalance (dhaiq al sadr); psychological stress (dhaiq nafsi); a stressed life (hayatan<br />

dhaniqah) (Haque 2005).<br />

Chinese culture identifies health with good emotional state. The circulation of ch’i<br />

influences the body’s basic function and is in turn affected by the emotions. Anger<br />

makes the ch’i rise; joy relaxes it; sorrow dissipates it; fear makes it go down; cold<br />

contracts it; heat makes it leak out; fright makes its motions chaotic; exhaustion<br />

consumes it; worry congeals it. Balance is again a key idea. In Chinese culture, the<br />

individual is responsible for the society rather than the other way around. Society<br />

cannot be blamed for one’s emotions and their influence on one’s ch’i.<br />

In Buddhist philosophy, life is full of sufferings (dukkha) for those who crave for

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