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14 MENTAL HEALTH PROMOTION<br />
have problems dealing with their mental world are probably best understood as victims<br />
of circumstance rather than adding to their problems by blaming them for their<br />
inabilities to cope. And if society were organized differently, then it might be possible<br />
for people to enjoy better mental health than many do at the moment.<br />
Around the world, societies clearly are different. And in consequence the overall<br />
level of mental health differs from one society to another (Wilkinson 1996, 2005), but<br />
also the meaning of ‘mental health’ alters.<br />
The fact that mental health and mental illness have been characterized by various<br />
Western authors in essentially individualistic ways says more about their cultural<br />
values, norms and academic orientation than it does about the reality of people’s mental<br />
experiences. 5 In other cultures this emphasis on individualism cannot be assumed to<br />
be the norm. In Japanese culture for example, the idea of ‘self’ is experienced as ‘one’s<br />
share of the shared life space’ – a much more interdependent notion of ‘self’ (Markus<br />
and Kitayama 1991).<br />
Another example of this cultural variation is that there are times when ‘resilience’<br />
is not appropriate – times when it is all right not to cope. And these times and circumstances<br />
are different from culture to culture (the British ‘stiff upper lip’ is not universal).<br />
In other cultures, the point at which resilience and coping become inappropriate will<br />
vary. Another variation is whether things like ‘resilience’ – or even mental health in<br />
general – is seen and experienced as a personal, social, religious or spiritual issue.<br />
Ideas about mental health and mental illness are, according to Haque (2005: 184)<br />
‘addressed minimally in Eastern cultures’. He observes that there continue to be<br />
apprehensions, myths and taboos about mental illness in the East, and in this respect,<br />
there are similarities with how it is viewed in the West. That said there are interesting<br />
and important Eastern perspectives that need to be addressed – both in this chapter and<br />
by mental health and mental health promotion services.<br />
To a large extent, this variation of ideas and experience of mental health and<br />
mental illness derives from the various religions around the world. The general belief<br />
within Islam is that mental disorders are an outcome of abandoning or neglecting of<br />
Islamic values. Similarly, within Christianity, true mental health is not possible without<br />
the right relationship with God. In Islam, the idea of balance is important – the<br />
balance between the body’s need for physical pleasure and spiritual adherence. The<br />
belief is that movement away from God causes imbalance resulting in mental malady,<br />
whereas purification of thought and deed leads a person closer to God and keeps them<br />
mentally healthy. In the Quran, the state of mental health or psychological well-being<br />
is referred to as inshirah al sadr or taqwa, and other references are made to psychological<br />
imbalance (dhaiq al sadr); psychological stress (dhaiq nafsi); a stressed life (hayatan<br />
dhaniqah) (Haque 2005).<br />
Chinese culture identifies health with good emotional state. The circulation of ch’i<br />
influences the body’s basic function and is in turn affected by the emotions. Anger<br />
makes the ch’i rise; joy relaxes it; sorrow dissipates it; fear makes it go down; cold<br />
contracts it; heat makes it leak out; fright makes its motions chaotic; exhaustion<br />
consumes it; worry congeals it. Balance is again a key idea. In Chinese culture, the<br />
individual is responsible for the society rather than the other way around. Society<br />
cannot be blamed for one’s emotions and their influence on one’s ch’i.<br />
In Buddhist philosophy, life is full of sufferings (dukkha) for those who crave for