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Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...

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Chapter 2 Issues <strong>in</strong> Relative Clause Process<strong>in</strong>g<br />

at NP3 and storage and retrieval <strong>in</strong>terference at VP3. When the NP2 is not forgotten,<br />

<strong>in</strong>terference effects should also be seen at the rest <strong>of</strong> the sentence <strong>in</strong> the high-<strong>in</strong>terference<br />

condition. However, assum<strong>in</strong>g that the representation <strong>of</strong> the second NP has decayed<br />

latest at the middle verb, no further <strong>in</strong>terference effect should occur. Consequently,<br />

the NP-forgett<strong>in</strong>g Hypothesis predicts that differences between the high <strong>in</strong>terference<br />

condition (18a) and the low <strong>in</strong>terference condition (18b) should disappear after the first<br />

verb.<br />

(18) a. The carpenter who the craftsman that the peasant carried hurt supervised<br />

the apprentice. (high-<strong>in</strong>terference)<br />

b. The carpenter who the pillar that the peasant carried hurt supervised the<br />

apprentice. (low-<strong>in</strong>terference)<br />

The results <strong>of</strong> English SPR and eyetrack<strong>in</strong>g showed an exist<strong>in</strong>g but hardly significant<br />

support for the NP-forgett<strong>in</strong>g Hypothesis. Although be<strong>in</strong>g non-significant, there was a<br />

clear numerical read<strong>in</strong>g time effect <strong>of</strong> similarity-<strong>based</strong> <strong>in</strong>terference, which disappeared at<br />

V2, po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g to a forgett<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> NP2, which reduced the <strong>in</strong>terference. The VP-forgett<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Hypothesis was fully confirmed, as can be seen <strong>in</strong> figure 2.6. The drop-V2 condition was<br />

significantly faster at the ma<strong>in</strong> verb and the follow<strong>in</strong>g region, suggest<strong>in</strong>g a forgett<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />

the VP2 prediction and possibly additional difficulty at the ma<strong>in</strong> verb <strong>in</strong> the grammatical<br />

condition. In eyetrack<strong>in</strong>g there was also a surpris<strong>in</strong>g drop-V2 facilitation effect on the<br />

first verb (V3) not supported by the forgett<strong>in</strong>g hypothesis. This, however, is expla<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

by Vasishth and colleagues as an artifact <strong>of</strong> complexity-<strong>in</strong>duced re-read<strong>in</strong>g behavior <strong>in</strong><br />

the grammatical condition.<br />

German<br />

Identical experiments as laid out above were also carried out by Vasishth et al. (2008)<br />

<strong>in</strong> German. An example stimuli pair for the grammaticality manipulation is shown <strong>in</strong><br />

example (19). The result<strong>in</strong>g structure <strong>of</strong> German ORC double-embedd<strong>in</strong>g is identical to<br />

the one <strong>in</strong> English except for the commas. The comma issue will be addressed after the<br />

study results for German have been presented. The <strong>in</strong>vestigation <strong>of</strong> the NP-forgett<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Hypothesis yielded analogical results to the English study. Surpris<strong>in</strong>gly however, the<br />

VP-forgett<strong>in</strong>g-Hypothesis was not confirmed. On the contrary it was the grammatical<br />

condition that showed faster read<strong>in</strong>g time at V1 and post-V1 <strong>in</strong> both SPR and eyetrack<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

The eyetrack<strong>in</strong>g results for the German grammaticality manipulation are shown <strong>in</strong><br />

figure 2.7.<br />

(19) a. Der Anwalt, den der Zeuge, den der Spion betrachtete, schnitt, überzeugte<br />

den Richter. (grammatical)<br />

b. Der Anwalt, den der Zeuge, den der Spion betrachtete, überzeugte den<br />

Richter. (drop-V2)<br />

42

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