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Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...

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3.3 A Model <strong>of</strong> RC Process<strong>in</strong>g<br />

(a) “Phonological and articulatory representations must be activated <strong>in</strong> order to utter<br />

the words for the load task”.<br />

(b) “Phonological activation is an important component <strong>of</strong> written and spoken sentence<br />

comprehension, particularly for certa<strong>in</strong> difficult sentence structures”.<br />

(c) “The extend to which phonological representations are important dur<strong>in</strong>g comprehension<br />

<strong>of</strong> difficult syntactic structures is likely to vary <strong>in</strong>versely with experience,<br />

such that phonological <strong>in</strong>formation is more crucial for less experienced comprehenders”.<br />

(d) “There appear to be notable <strong>in</strong>dividual differences <strong>in</strong> the ‘precision’ <strong>of</strong> phonological<br />

representations computed dur<strong>in</strong>g language comprehension, and these differences<br />

are thought to owe both to read<strong>in</strong>g experience and to biological factors.”<br />

As becomes clear MC02 do not completely deny an <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>of</strong> biological factors on<br />

process<strong>in</strong>g skill. These factors, however, concern the precision <strong>of</strong> representations, not<br />

capacity limitations, and those are subject to experience-caused variance. Moreover are<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividual differences assumed to be allocated primarily <strong>in</strong> the dependence on these<br />

phonological representations, mean<strong>in</strong>g that highly-skilled readers exhibit a more efficient<br />

process<strong>in</strong>g that does not rely so much on the phonological <strong>in</strong>formation. For example <strong>in</strong><br />

extr<strong>in</strong>sic load tasks 4 both the stored items and sentence comprehension processes make<br />

use <strong>of</strong> shared phonological representations. Thus MC02 expla<strong>in</strong> load effects by activation<br />

<strong>in</strong>terference rather than activation limits. This is seen as naturally evolv<strong>in</strong>g from<br />

evidence that articulatory plann<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>volves strict activation and <strong>in</strong>hibition <strong>of</strong> phonological<br />

units (Bock, 1987; Dell and O’Seaghdha, 1992). Thus dur<strong>in</strong>g extr<strong>in</strong>sic load tasks<br />

activation and <strong>in</strong>hibition processes from both load and comprehension mechanism work<br />

on the same representations, <strong>in</strong>terfer<strong>in</strong>g with each other. The more effective process<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>of</strong> highly experienced readers makes less use <strong>of</strong> the representation and, thus, reduces<br />

difficulties due to <strong>in</strong>terference. The same processes also happen <strong>in</strong> the read<strong>in</strong>g span task<br />

(which, by the way, is basically the same task as extr<strong>in</strong>sic load). The conclusion is that<br />

read<strong>in</strong>g span is a function <strong>of</strong> experience and not <strong>of</strong> memory capacity. This account is<br />

also superior to Waters and Caplan (1996) because their theory assumes two separate<br />

work<strong>in</strong>g memories and, hence, does not predict an <strong>in</strong>teraction <strong>of</strong> comprehension and<br />

extr<strong>in</strong>sic load. Furthermore also RC type differences are expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> the same way,<br />

namely that “object relatives, which are more challeng<strong>in</strong>g than subject relatives, are<br />

likely to rely more on phonological <strong>in</strong>formation than subject relatives” (p. 45).<br />

4 In these tasks participants are asked to memorize a set <strong>of</strong> words or digits and reta<strong>in</strong> it while read<strong>in</strong>g<br />

sentences. The extr<strong>in</strong>sic load <strong>in</strong>fluences the sentence comprehension performance <strong>in</strong> a certa<strong>in</strong> way<br />

that correlates with the participants read<strong>in</strong>g span value (Just and Carpenter, 1992; K<strong>in</strong>g and Just,<br />

1991).<br />

55

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