Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...
Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...
Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...
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Chapter 3 <strong>Connectionist</strong> Modell<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Language Comprehension<br />
this po<strong>in</strong>t the SRN highly predicts a determ<strong>in</strong>er after see<strong>in</strong>g an ORC. This po<strong>in</strong>ts to a<br />
locally consistent <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> the embedded ‘. . . the N Vtrans’ sequence as a ma<strong>in</strong><br />
clause prefix cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g with an NP. This mis<strong>in</strong>terpretation is reduced <strong>in</strong> later tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />
epochs. An additional and very stable false prediction on the ma<strong>in</strong> verb is the EOS<br />
after embedded SRCs and ORCs. Concern<strong>in</strong>g the SRC this is consistent with a locally<br />
coherent <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> the SRC sequence ‘. . . Vtrans the N’ as part <strong>of</strong> a ma<strong>in</strong> clause.<br />
In the ORC on the other hand, the EOS prediction after the ‘. . . the N Vtrans’ sequence<br />
is only locally consistent when <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g the transitive verb as <strong>in</strong>transitive. This<br />
seems on first sight to be consistent with the assumption <strong>of</strong> Wells et al. (2009) that<br />
the SRN has to learn the trans/<strong>in</strong>trans difference. But surpris<strong>in</strong>gly the wrong EOS<br />
prediction <strong>in</strong>creases with further tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g, <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g that the network does not recognize<br />
the transitivity <strong>of</strong> the embedded verb. Summariz<strong>in</strong>g the analysis <strong>of</strong> Konieczny and Ruh,<br />
what causes the effects on embedded and ma<strong>in</strong> verb is a) the <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> that as<br />
a verb, b) the prediction <strong>of</strong> the sentence to end after an embedded RC due to local<br />
coherence, and c) the failure to classify transitive and <strong>in</strong>transitive verbs. Konieczny and<br />
Ruh suggest to abandon verbs that can be both transitive and <strong>in</strong>transitive from the<br />
lexicon to separate the two classes more clearly. Furthermore the grammar should allow<br />
the use <strong>of</strong> pronom<strong>in</strong>al NPs to move the classification <strong>of</strong> that nearer to nouns than verbs.<br />
Concern<strong>in</strong>g the German RC simulations the explanation <strong>of</strong> the effects is quite simple.<br />
German SRCs and ORCs differ only <strong>in</strong> the serial order <strong>of</strong> the the relative pronoun and the<br />
determ<strong>in</strong>er <strong>of</strong> the embedded NP. Consequently the SRC conta<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> this region a NOM-<br />
ACC sequence whereas the SRC conta<strong>in</strong>s an ACC-NOM sequence. The embedded verb<br />
always agrees with the nom<strong>in</strong>ative (der). This produces a locally consistent structure <strong>of</strong><br />
‘detnom N V’ <strong>in</strong> the ORC but not <strong>in</strong> the SRC. Follow<strong>in</strong>g Konieczny and Ruh this local<br />
consistency effect produces the correct predictions for the embedded verb <strong>in</strong> the ORC,<br />
which is the reason for the lower error. In the SRC the verb is bound to the relative<br />
pronoun, which shares the number with the matrix subject. The SRN’s verb predictions,<br />
however, seem to be more <strong>in</strong>fluenced by the number <strong>of</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g object than by<br />
the distant dependency.<br />
3.3.4 Summary<br />
In us<strong>in</strong>g SRNs MacDonald and Christiansen (2002) take advantage <strong>of</strong> a simple mechanism<br />
that, however, without architectural predesign makes excellent predictions concern<strong>in</strong>g<br />
the functional relation between exposure to certa<strong>in</strong> structures and process<strong>in</strong>g skill.<br />
The model’s behavior is <strong>in</strong>terpretable <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> memory and decay, but due to its<br />
temporal loop and learn<strong>in</strong>g mechanism it sensitive to context and experience. The K<strong>in</strong>g<br />
and Just data was well fitted, especially for <strong>in</strong>dividual differences. The model results<br />
<strong>in</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ation with the study by Wells et al. (2009) provide a comprehensive skillthrough-experience<br />
account that <strong>in</strong>cludes <strong>in</strong>dividual and language-specific differences.<br />
Konieczny and Ruh (2003) and others question the model’s validity, partly because a<br />
detailed analysis shows that learned constra<strong>in</strong>ts are <strong>of</strong> local nature and not comparable<br />
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